近1O年来辛亥革命时期妇女运动研究综述

近10年来,辛亥革命时期的妇女运动研究取得了可喜的进展,在有关宏观性研究以及女子报刊、女子教育、女权思潮、女子参政和人物研究方面均发表了很多有价值的论文,提出了不少有见地的观点。但是,研究中也存在一些问题和不足,需要今后加以改进。     

自然资源物权的含义及基本特征新论

自然资源物权,是指自然资源的所有权人或他物权人为满足其经济利益需求,依法或依合同对自然资源所享有的直接支配并排除他人干扰与破坏的权利。自然资源物权的基本特征是:自然资源所有权以不可交易流转的公共形态存在、自然资源生态价值的保护构成了自然资源物权的现代环保公共政策限制、自然资源他物权的行政限制性色彩更浓、自然资源物权人之间行使权利具有更多的"相邻性"特征、自然资源物权客体的非特定性特征与可特定化之法律技术处理特征并存。我国自然资源物权之理论研究及制度构建,需对民法、环境资源法这两大学科理论与知识进行适度地继承与创新,并考虑我国自身国情。     

浙江宣城地区汉族人群18个STR基因座遗传多态性

目的 调查浙江宣城地区汉族人群5000例无关个体18个STR基因座多态性分布.方法 应用AmpFlSTR Identifiler荧光标记复合扩增系统检测,统计计算群体遗传学参数.结果 18个STR基因座的基因型分布均符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡（P＞0.05）,共检出270个等位基因,频率在0.0001～0.5260之间,共有1289种基因型,在13个基因座上检出共44个微变异等位基因.18个基因座的杂合度观察值（Ho）在0.6238～0.9120之间,杂合度理论值（He）在0.6961～0.9601之间,多态信息含量（PIC）在0.5578～0.9126之间,累计个人识别率（TDP）为0.999 999 999 999 999 999 999 953,三联体累计非父排除概率（CPE）为0.999 999 993487 306,二联体累计非父排除率（CPE＊）为0.985819169.结论 本文调查结果与以往文献报道的不同地区民族的人群等位基因频率资料有一定程度的差异性.上述18个STR基因座适用于宣城地区汉族群体各类案件的法医学个体识别和亲权鉴定.     

个体识别SNPs位点组合筛选与法医学应用价值初探

目的筛选用于包括中国主要民族在内的多个群体个体识别的SNPs位点组合体系。方法以Kidd实验室筛选的86个SNPs位点、欧洲SNPforID组织构建的52-plex SNPs复合检测体系为基础,收集和整理这些位点在HapMap数据库中11个人群的分型数据,计算各位点杂合度和Fst值,筛选杂合度〉0.4,Fst值〈0.06,并在研究人群中处于Hardy-Weinberg和连锁平衡的位点组合。针对这些位点,采用MassARRAY分子阵列技术对自行收集的8个人群（尼日利亚人、坦桑尼亚查加人、印度人、丹麦人、俄罗斯汉特人、中国汉族、藏族、维吾尔族）308份样本进行分型,统计群体遗传学参数。结果按本文标准共筛选出66个SNPs位点,均符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡,之间互不连锁,平均杂合度和Fst值分别为0.475、0.014。在本文收集的8个人群中的随机匹配概率在1.45E-24~4.72E-27之间,累积非父排除率为0.999 995 608~0.999 997 876之间。结论本文筛选的SNPs组合系统具有较强的个体识别能力,可用于本文调查的HapMap数据库中11个人群和本文收集的8个人群的个体识别鉴定。     

应用Ion Torrent PGM^TM平台进行人mtDNA全基因组测序

目的应用Ion Torrent PGM^TM平台对人线粒体基因组全序列进行分析检测。方法采集39名辽宁汉族无关个体以及4个母系家系的14名相关个体样本,应用SequalPrep^TM Long PCR试剂盒进行扩增,应用Ion Shear^TM Plus Reagents试剂盒和Ion Plus Fragment Library试剂盒等构建文库,并在Ion Torrent PGM平台上进行线粒体基因组全序列测序。结果在39名无关个体共观察到39种单倍型,在396个位置观察到了397种碱基变异。无关个体中出现的变异位点数目为25~53个,平均每个个体出现36.2个碱基变异。4个母系家系中每个家系成员间具有完全相同的mtDNA单倍型,严格遵守母系遗传。结论采用本研究建立的人线粒体基因组全序列的测序检验法,可显著提高mtDNA的个体识别能力,在法庭科学领域中有较好的应用价值。     

淡水硅藻种群及数量变化的影响因素及其法医学意义

江河、湖泊等淡水系统中,硅藻种群及数量变化与环境、水文的改变有着极其密切的关系。本文针对近年来淡水硅藻种群及数量变化影响因素的研究进行综述,以期为通过硅藻检验结果合理分析水中尸体死因、案件性质及判断落水点提供参考依据。     

新型城镇化背景下农业转移人口市民化的法制保障研究

当前,有序推进农业转移人口市民化是提高城镇化质量的核心内容,在我国经济社会发展中具有举足轻重的地位。法律政策对于包括城镇化在内的各种社会发展进程始终具有主导性作用,现行土地、户籍、就业、教育等方面的法律政策中一部分内容存在阻滞农业转移人口市民化的作用,必须消除这些法律政策桎梏,为下一步推进全面深化改革打开空间。     

Street-level Politics: Labour Protests in Post-authoritarian Indonesia

This article discusses the promotion of economic “reintegration” programs among migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong. The programs include training migrants in savings and investment, business planning and entrepreneurship, with the immediate aim of helping them to achieve some steady income as an alternative to continued working overseas, and the longer-term objective of channelling migrant savings into national economic development “back home.” The reintegration programs are analysed in the context of hegemonic neo-liberal or popular capitalism, which inter alia, encourages the transformation of citizens with rights into entrepreneurs who can be held responsible for their own failures. It argues that such programs discipline rather than liberate migrant workers and that despite good intentions on the part of progressive non-government organisations (NGOs), represent individualistic solutions to structural problems which may undermine campaigns like the campaign for the rights of migrant workers and their families.     

Cracking Hegemony in Thailand: Gramsci,Bourdieu and the Dialectics of Rebellion

Gramsci's notion of “hegemony,” like Bourdieu's concept of “habitus,” seems designed to explain accommodation to existing social structures, rather than resistance. In this paper, however, I draw from the Prison Notebooks some arguments that contribute to a Gramscian understanding of how hegemony may break apart under the weight of the same uneven development processes central to hegemony. Drawing also from Bourdieu, I argue that the conceptions of “hegemony” and “habitus” inscribe the possibility of resistance within the embodied experience of accommodation to class rule. I then elaborate a dialectical, Gramscian-Bourdieusian account of the Red Shirt movement in Thailand, showing that the seeds for the destruction of royalist hegemony in Thailand have been sown in the embodied processes of accommodation to ruling class hegemony. The breadth and depth of challenges to this hegemony, moreover, are evident not only from the activities of the Red Shirt movement and regional discontent in Northern and Northeast Thailand but from the resistance of working class women to attempts to police their sexuality and limit their consumerism. The refusal of Thai elites to accept the breadth and depth of Thailand's dispositional transformation has legitimised – in their eyes – the brutal crackdown on Red Shirt protestors that resulted in the April-May 2010 massacres. Yet repression can only kill off political leaders and specific parties; it will not likely derail the growing resentment of ordinary Thais over elitist class rule.