Gender and Negotiation in the Small: Are Women (Perceived to Be) More Cooperative than Men?

We surveyed research by experimental economists that examines gender differences in negotiation in the context of two simple, two-player games. Our purpose is to uncover empirical regularities in the results that might be useful to teachers or practitioners of negotiation. In the dictator game, one player unilaterally determines the division of a fixed amount of money. In the ultimatum game, one player offers a division and the other must accept or reject that offer; if rejected, both players receive a zero payoff. The results have shown that, on balance, women tend to be more egalitarian than men, to expect and ask for less in the negotiation. Women also seem to be more responsive to the context of a negotiation and are less likely to fail to reach an agreement than men. These differences are small, however, in comparison with differences in expectations about what women and men will do. We conclude that stereotyping is alive and well in negotiations and that this can help or hinder negotiation outcomes, depending on the context.     

意思自治原则的经济分析

意思自治原则是顺应经济发展的需要而产生的,制度上的自由经济体制和理论上的经济自由学说,是私法上意思自治原则得以兴起的肥沃土壤。个别利益并不总是代表总体利益,经常自由并不能保证生产和交换的协调发展。意思自治这一私法原则的衰落,原因在于支持这一原则的自由经济学原理存在一定的缺陷。意思自治原则在我国现阶段,便有了特殊的使命,即服务于我国市场经济创建的主题——最大限度地优化利用和配置资源,为国有经济和国有企业改革提供法律上的理论根据。     

召回制度的信用论异

召回制度始于美国汽车业,现在被广泛用于各个行业。产商召回缺陷产品体现了对消费者负责的态度,是诚信的表现,能巩固企业的市场信用。市场经济是信用经济,信用对一个企业的长久发展至关重要。我国经济生活频频出现“信用危机”,迫切需要建立起信用机制,产品召回制度就是一个极好的契机。     

论哲学与经济学的联袂

哲学与经济学之间并不存在无法沟通的屏障,它们应当能够互动和相互印证。当哲学“从天而降”贴 近人与人的生活时,它将同以人和“家庭”为本的经济学相汇合。经济学和哲学的互动和相互印证的主要区城是人 的问题。正是“人”这个主题把哲学与经济学紧密联系起来。哲学与经济学的联袂,将会开拓人学的新领域。     

"建构"和"进化"理性主义的经济学意义

社会科学中的建构理性主义和进化理性主义最早缘于哈耶克传统.本文对经济学中的建构理性主义和进化理性主义分别进行了阐述,然后对经济学中的这两种主义进行了对比.本文认为,基于经济学中这两种主义的比较和分析对于中国经济实践很有意义.     

非营利组织的福利经济学分析

在当代各市场经济国家中,非营利组织所起的作用也在不断增强。在现实世界里,非营利组织行为机制的不健全或扭曲,其严重程度相对于企业存在的问题有过之而无不及,却时常为人所忽略。本文从非营利性组织的含义出发,从福利经济学的角度重点分析了非营利组织的“道德人”假设问题与实践意义,阐述了非营利组织的福利经济意义和应有的方法论问题。     

公共组织及其变革：一个制度经济学视角与解析

从制度经济学的观点来看,公共组织与企业、家庭等私人组织的根本区别在于,其与所提供产品和服务的对象(公民、社会公众、社区成员)之间不是市场交换关系,而是委托代理关系。"政府"与"社会"是公共组织的两种基本形式,前者可以定义为通过国家权威强制供给公共品或提供公共服务的公共组织;后者是非政府性或民间性质的公共组织,自有其一系列特殊规定性。当代世界各国公共组织变革与整合的基本取向和趋势,简单地说,就是通过市场化、民营化建立"小政府,大社会"的公共治理模式。     

Business Ethics as Corporate Governance

The paper analyses ethical business codes as governance mechanisms, i.e. institutions which facilitate coordination of economic behaviour. Ethical business codes are compared to other social institutions (market solutions, government intervention, the prevailing social ethic), and their efficiency is evaluated in terms of transaction costs. A normative rationale for ethical codes is found when other institutions fail to achieve socially optimal outcomes, in particular when the firm has access to unique information. Some economic incentives are identified which induce firms to commit to socially optimal ethical codes but it is argued that economic forces will not in general be sufficient for optimality.     

Franz Böhm as a pioneering champion of an economic theory of legislative science

The transaction costs concept is operationalized and expanded in order to demonstrate that Franz Böhm can be considered a forerunner of the economic analysis of law. Within economic systems transaction costs are more than mere friction. They are social catalysts inasmuch as low transaction costs foster desirable processes and high ones inhibit undesirable processes. According to Böhm, economically relevant institutions must be organized in such a way as to ensure that the transaction-cost structure is compatible with the economic functions of social processes. This should be done by cooperation between lawyers and political economists.     

Natural resource policies and standard of living in Kazakhstan

This paper evaluates Kazakhstan's natural resource policies and their impact on the standard of living of the Kazakhstan population within the framework of three determinative factors: globalization and international markets; Soviet legacy and ‘resource nationalism’; and Nursultan Nazarbayev and his authoritarian leadership. It argues that natural resource policies of Kazakhstan failed to improve the living standards of the majority of people in Kazakhstan, especially the poor and those living in oil-producing and rural areas, despite increasing oil prices and revenues. The argument will be supported with an analysis of Kazakhstan's oil wealth distribution in light of global initiatives as well as with evidence derived from official reports and statistical data to find out whether Nazarbayev's widely discussed ‘resource nationalism’ is ‘nationalistic’ enough to favour the whole nation.