中国共产党的伟大理论贡献

百年来,中国共产党坚持马克思主义与中国实际相结合,领导人民取得了革命、建设和改革开放的伟大成就,同时坚持理论创新,为马克思列宁主义的丰富与发展做出了卓越的理论贡献。新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的理论贡献包括:农村包围城市、武装夺取政权理论;新民主主义革命理论;丰富和发展了党的建设理论与统一战线理论;社会主义国家根本制度理论;对中国社会主义建设道路的探索。改革开放大政方针和中国特色社会主义的理论贡献包括:社会主义初级阶段理论;社会主义本质和改革开放动力理论;社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度理论;社会主义市场经济体制理论;政治体制改革和社会主义民主建设理论;“三个代表”重要思想;科学发展观和对外开放理论。新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理论贡献包括:中国特色社会主义建设基本方略;社会主义新发展阶段理论;丰富和发展了加强党的领导理论;强化以人民为中心的理念;我国社会主要矛盾变化理论;推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化理论;总体国家安全观理论;构建人类命运共同体理论。     

正确处理党的领导与依法独立办案的关系

坚持党的领导是贯穿习近平法治思想的一条主线。正确处理党的领导与依法独立办案的关系,既是贯彻落实习近平法治思想的重要内容,也是司法理论与实践必须回答的重大问题。中国共产党对司法工作的领导具有坚实的历史基础、法理基础和宪法依据。党的领导是依法独立办案的根本保障,坚持依法独立办案本身就是体现党的领导。正确把握党的领导与依法独立办案的关系,必须首先弄清楚党的领导是指党中央的集中统一领导,地方党委对司法工作的领导主要是管方向、管政策、管原则、管干部。各级司法机关党组织必须确保党的领导在司法机关内部得到贯彻落实,依规依法管人管事管案,发挥整体性的引领、管理、监督、保障作用,确保法律统一正确实施。     

Experiencing the war “of” terror: a call to the critical terrorism studies community

ABSTRACT

The Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) community has produced an important volume of work assessing and critiquing epistemological understandings of the War on (of) Terror. Largely missing from this body of work, however, is the experience of those who are directly impacted by the policies of this global phenomenon. By rethinking the War on Terror as an experience of war, I posit a wider understanding, by reassessing its temporal and spatial boundaries, but more significantly, the ways in which it is experienced. By providing a wider understanding of war and expanding our knowledge of its boundaries, I am able to show that those impacted by the policies of the War on Terror can claim to have been subject to an experience of war, even when that experience takes place outside of the war zone. This reflection, however, serves a larger purpose, which is to act as a call to the CTS community to centre the lived experiences of those impacted by the War on Terror in their work and decision-making when engaging with policy and policymakers. This represents a call for an ethical re-centring of CTS scholars to the violence of the War “of” Terror, by reminding us of the many ways in which harm can occur.     

法医学二代测序STR分型准确度与测序深度的关联性评估

目的利用实验数据对法医学二代测序STR分型测序深度与分型结果准确度的关联性进行评估。方法使用商业化基因组DNA制备单一来源和混合的DNA样本,以Thermo Fisher公司的25重早期测试试剂盒进行目的STR片段扩增,每种扩增产物分别使用4种不同的序列标签平行建库,并控制标记每一种序列标签的文库上机量依次占一张Ion 318芯片的1/4、1/8、1/16、1/32。经Ion PGMTM基因测序仪测序,以及Ion Torrent SuiteTM软件进行数据分析;同时对庞敬博等人发表的基于相同试剂盒和测序仪检测的95名中国汉族无关个体的6928条等位基因、影子峰和噪音序列进行测序深度统计分析,寻找测序深度与STR分型准确度的关联性。结果各基因座测序深度随文库上样量减少而呈明显下降趋势。对于单一来源样本,每张芯片上样不超过8个均一化文库可实现全部基因座的完整分型;对于1∶20比例的混合DNA,每张芯片上样不超过4个均一化文库时,未发现微量组分的等位基因丢失。人群数据测序深度统计显示,该体系基因座间存在不均衡性,有必要针对各基因座分别设定分析阈值参数。结论测序深度与法医学STR分型结果的准确性密切相关,各基因座最低测序深度与平均测序深度的比值可作为设定分析阈值的重要参考指标。本研究确定的单张芯片上样数量仅适用于本实验体系,但相关实验设计和方案可供其他实验体系开展类似工作参考。     

民事立法形式之忧

历史地看,"法典"与法表、刑鼎等一样,都属于早期成文法的表现形式,且其得名与使用的材质关系密切。近代以来,尤其是二战之后,为了因应社会经济形势的变迁,民事单行法或特别法游离于法典之外几乎成为一种趋势。此时继续保留相当程度上被掏空了的法典的民事法律母法的名义,其意义究竟何在,不无疑问。编纂民法典,对于中国的立法机制和法律适用传统都是一种挑战,新的法典与之前既存的民事单行法的关系究竟有何不同,如何协调其与过往前数十年间基于民事单行法所形成的法律运作体系的关系,如何确保后者不因新法的制定而被割裂、舍弃,都是需要认真讨论的问题。     

刑事诉讼信息共建共享问题研究

对比司法信息化建设整体迅猛发展，刑事诉讼信息的共建共享明显滞后，公检法机关的信息化建设呈现信息孤岛现象。这造成司法资源的大量浪费，成为阻碍司法信息化发展的基础性难题。刑事诉讼信息互联互通协议是指公安、检察院、法院等办案机关就办案信息共享和传递问题达成共识。这种协议可以有效地打破刑事办案机关之间的数据壁垒，是推进刑事诉讼共建共享的现实路径。协议需要充分应对信息共建共享可能给以审判为中心的诉讼架构、卷宗移送模式、控辩平等关系、司法责任带来的负面效应，协调技术理性和司法规律的关系。同时，刑事诉讼信息共建共享在运行中需处理好以下具体问题：建议将政法委作为协议主责机关，制定长远的发展计划；进一步推动卷宗电子化；实行涉案财物统一管理；妥善解决信息保密问题。     

Confidence in an election authority and satisfaction with democracy: Evidence from a quasi-natural experiment of a failed election in Sweden

Contemporary research on electoral integrity has focused on the functioning, evaluation, and legitimacy of electoral processes in emerging democracies. By contrast, this study investigates whether a failed election in a well-established democracy can affect individuals' evaluations of the electoral management body, the Election Authority, and whether those evaluations affect satisfaction with democracy. Using the case of a Swedish regional election in 2010 that had to be rerun due to procedural mistakes in the vote handling, we found that, in the short term, individuals’ confidence in the Election Authority was reduced after it was announced that the election had to be rerun because of the mistakes. Subsequently, this decreased confidence was strongly associated with less satisfaction with democracy at the regional and national level. As good news for the authority, after a successful rerun election, confidence rebounded to the levels prior to the failed election.     

The Jenin Initiative: Counterinsurgency by Capacity Building

In late 2008, as negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians faltered, the US directed the Jenin Initiative on the ground in the West Bank. Designed to inspire confidence in Washington’s security-driven ‘West Bank First’ strategy, the Jenin Initiative married economic development to security sector reform under the Palestinian Authority. Drawing on the perspectives of those responsible for implementing the Jenin Initiative, this article reveals how counterinsurgency doctrine transplanted from the ‘war on terror’ shaped US interventions that built capacity in the Palestinian Authority. The Jenin Initiative exposes the extent of US intervention to create an effective apparatus of Palestinian self-policing to enhance – but not replace – that of the Israeli occupation.     

论英国的犯罪信息公开制度——以加拉格尔案为切入点

在英国,犯罪信息公开制度一直是一个备受争议的话题。《欧洲人权公约》第8条规定,每个人都享有隐私权,任何侵犯隐私权的行为必须以“合法”和“必要”为前提。2019年初,在加拉格尔系列案的上诉程序中,犯罪记录披露措施是否违反《公约》第8条规定成为英国社会关注的焦点。在该案判决中,英国最高法院虽然支持了前科被披露人员的请求,驳回了上诉,但是,法官们对于犯罪信息公开制度是否符合合法性和必要性标准却存在明显的分歧。通过对该案的基本案情、主要争议点、英国最高法院法官的不同意见的分析,可以为发展和完善我国犯罪记录登记和查询机制提供参考依据。     

Evaluating the cross-national comparability of survey measures of political interest using anchoring vignettes

Making cross-groups comparisons by using survey instruments has raised substantial scholarly concerns due to the potential risk of incomparability resulting from differential item functioning (DIF). However, not every survey item necessarily suffers from DIF. In this paper, we argue that, unlike many other survey items (e.g., political efficacy), the usual question used to measure political interest is likely to be largely immune to DIF. Our theoretical argument centers on the relative specificity of the item and a corresponding cultural homogeneity (at least in advanced democracies) in what it means to be politically interested or not. Utilizing the anchoring vignettes technique (King et al., 2004; King and Wand, 2007) in our original surveys in the UK, France, and the Netherlands, we demonstrate the size of DIF is small for the standard political interest question.