Does Moderation Pay in a Consociational Democracy? The Marginalisation of the SDLP in the North of Ireland

A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for.     

Just the Two of Us? Civil Conflicts,Pro-State Militants,and the Violence Premium

Quantitative literature discussing violence in civil conflicts tends towards a typical model of engagement between governments and revolutionaries. Whilst recent work has shown the significant impact of multiple anti-government groups, a further feature remains understudied—the role of pro-state militants. This article theorizes a “violence premium” when such groups arise, which leads to all connected groups devoting greater energy to conflict than they would in isolation. Employing duration analysis and data from The Troubles in Northern Ireland, where Republicans act as revolutionary insurgents, Loyalists as pro-state militants, and the British Army as government forces, the violence premium is empirically confirmed. Both Loyalists and Republicans deviate from their underlying strategies to attack more frequently when violence by their rivals increases, with Republicans and the British Army engaging in the same way. An extended analysis, accounting for the status of the victim, shows that the violence premium resulting from interaction between Loyalists and Republicans targeted only the civilian population of Northern Ireland, elucidating the sectarian component of The Troubles. These results show that including all conflict parties and considering how they are linked are important features in studies that aim to determine the net level of violence in civil conflicts.     

Victims of Terrorism and Political Violence: Identity,Needs, and Service Delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britain

Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.     

唐宋时期政府商业政策的变化

唐宋处于中国封建文明史的转型时期,包括封建经济在内的社会生活的各个方面都发生了前所未有的深刻变化.与繁荣兴旺的商品经济相适应,唐宋政府的商业政策亦随之进行了调整.概而言之,主要是由专卖榷利制度向注重征商转变,商税逐渐制度化、规范化,扶商政策出现并付诸实施.     

蒙元对西北各民族地区的经营设治

蒙元统治时期的西北,民族情况复杂,各民族的迁徙对流频繁,民族间的分化与重组相互交叉,政治上的统一与分裂变化无常,中央政府通过亲王出镇、建立甘肃行中书省和行枢密院、设置站赤、打开交通、开展屯田垦殖等一系列措施,加强了地方与元王朝中央的政治联系,巩固了西部边疆民族地区的统一.     

试论魏晋南北朝再婚问题

魏晋南北朝时期寡居女性有的受传统封建礼教的束缚和熏陶而不愿再婚,有的受先秦两汉以来寡妇再婚以及北朝少数民族婚姻开放风气的影响而再婚.由于受门阀等级内婚制约,再婚双方都较为重视对方门第.男姓再婚虽然在礼法方面有许多限制,但在实际生活中礼法限制则形同虚设,但也有受传统礼教观念影响较深的男子终身不再娶.     

万历四十七年投书日本德川幕府的“浙直总兵”考

明天启元年（1621）,明朝使者单凤翔一行渡海到达日本.单凤翔带来了两年前明朝“浙直总兵”申致日本德川幕府二代将军德川秀忠的外交文书,试图就海盗问题与日本德川幕府进行直接交涉.关于这一“浙直总兵”投书德川幕府事件,明朝方面的史料难以考见,日本方面却留有颇多相关记录.但是,关于投书日本德川幕府的王姓“浙直总兵”,日本方面的史料不明其人,迄今为止的先行研究也均未对之做过相关阐释.文章试对该“浙直总兵”做考述,并因以管见当时中日交涉之一端.     

百年鱼塭：清代东石蔡氏在台湾的鱼塭经营

清代台湾南部的鱼塭经营是台湾史研究一个比较薄弱的环节。本文利用晋江东石蔡氏的家族文献，结合地方史志以及田野调查等资料，对清代东石蔡氏在台湾布袋嘴的鱼塭经营进行纵向考察，同时就此个案反映出的股权经营形式进行探讨。文章认为，清代台湾的鱼塭经营有多种股权形式，一种为长期合股经营，另一种是在此基础上演变出来的更为复杂的股权形式，如蔡氏经营的北中横塭就有塭底份（大税）、韫佃份（小税）、现耕塭份，以及承包者再行转髅的堤份等。这些不同层面的权力，既与土地经营有某种关联或类似性，同时也有自身的特点。     

韩国古代类书《芝峰类说》征引《鹤林玉露》考略

韩国古代著名类书《芝峰类说》共9次征引了宋代笔记《鹤林玉露》的内容，其中有7条与作者李啐光的诗论有关。《芝峰类说》对《鹤林玉露》的征引，以节录为主要方式，以阐发诗论观点为主要目的，体现了他深厚的学识和“尊唐抑宋”的诗学观念，也是当时中韩两国文化交流的一个例证。     

十告九诬：清代诬告盛行之原因剖析

清代诉讼的一个重要特点是诬告现象的普遍,有"无谎不成状"之说。究其原因,可以理解为在清代特定的司法结构之下,百姓的策略行为与官员策略行为的互动导致了清代诬告现象的泛滥,因之也成为清代司法的"顽疾"。就百姓而言,面对官府的"抓大放小"式的司法管理,选择诬告这一策略行为作为回应,以使案件得到官府的受理和重视。就官府而言,诬告犯罪本应是严厉惩治的行为,却因官员规避审判责任的策略行为而被轻纵,这使得百姓诬告的风险降低,从而鼓励了诬告行为的发生。