试析1937—1941年的中苏关系

抗战时期，中苏两国的国际地位和实力的差异，决定了苏联对华政策在双边关系中发挥主导作用。随着国际局势的变化，苏联对外战略的演变直接影响两国关系的发展。当苏联战略需要与中国利益一致时，苏联大力援助中国的抗战事业，两国关系就能顺利发展。而当苏联的战略需要背离中国利益时，苏联外交的大国主义作法则越发明显，甚至为了确保自身的安全而牺牲中国利益。因此，在时局发生剧变之时，中苏对外战略重心的转移使得两国关系不可避免地趋于冷淡。     

论日本战后皇国史观和军国史观的回潮

日本战败投降后,美国为了把日本拉进西方集团的营垒,对昭和天皇不予起诉,并通过旧金山条约对日本彻底“松绑”,一大批负有战争责任的政客、官僚、财阀要员重新钻进政坛,战时的“皇国史观”和“军国史观”等货色开始回潮。随着冷战的深化,日本在追随西方积极反共、反社会主义阵营的同时,不断变换手法,朝着政治、军事大国化的目标迈进。发展到今天,日本陆海空自卫队公然联合开进战区,和平宪法被彻底架空,日本总理再三再四地连续参拜靖国神社,日本的动向引起亚洲人民的警觉和不安。     

论中国非暴力犯罪死刑的逐步废止

以长远的眼光观之 ,死刑的命运必然是走向终结。就中国现阶段的综合情况而言 ,可以经历如下三个阶段逐步废止死刑 :一是先行逐步废止非暴力犯罪的死刑 ;二是进一步在条件成熟时废止非致命犯罪 (非侵犯生命的犯罪 )的死刑 ;三是在社会文明和法治发展到相当发达程度时 ,全面废止死刑。目前 ,应及时将非暴力犯罪死刑的逐步废止问题提上日程。中国废止死刑之路 ,应以逐步而及时地废止非暴力犯罪的死刑为切入点     

朝鲜战争对毛泽东外交战略思想的影响

朝鲜战争使毛泽东确立了联苏反美的外交战略，使毛泽东充分认识到了联合国的作用，认识到了世界上大多数弱小国家的作用，为其提出第三世界理论奠定了基础。朝鲜战争也使毛泽东对人的力量的认识达到了极至，反映在外交战略上，形成了他以人口大国立足世界和制衡美苏的战略思想。     

Negotiating the caliphate: British responses to pan-Islamic appeals, 1914–1924

This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli War – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the US–Israeli ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States, this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the pre-war crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region.     

“I’m awfully fed up with being a prisoner”* Australian POWs of the Turks and the Strain of Surrender

Nearly 200 Australians were captured and held as prisoners of war (POWs) by Ottoman Turkish forces during the First World War. They have largely been overlooked in Australian history and memory of the conflict with the result that little is known of their time in captivity or of its wider ramifications. In examining the emotional impact of their capture and imprisonment, this article offers intimate insights into how these Australian POWs felt about their captivity, from the moment of surrender until long after the war had ended. The humiliation of capture and confinement at the hands of a culturally, religiously and linguistically different enemy and the restrictions imposed by wartime imprisonment exacerbated the prisoners’ private feelings of shame and failure, feelings that were publicly reinforced in the aftermath of the war as the two dominant narratives of the conflict—the heroic Anzac fighter and the Turks as the honourable enemy—excluded or, at best, marginalised their experiences. Such analysis tells us much about the psychological dimension of wartime captivity, and adds to our understanding of the legacy of this POW experience.     

Policing protest in the Australian Capital Territory: the introduction and use of the Public Order Act 1971

This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since.     

Terrorism,Agenda 2063 and the challenges of development in Africa

The nobility of the objectives and aspiration of the African Union's Agenda 2063 towards the developmental needs of the African people are laudable, as are the attempts being made to ensure collective action, despite the ‘shield of sovereignty behind which too many corrupt leaders have hidden’. However, these noble objectives and aspirations may be undermined and threatened by the upsurge in militant Islamism and the spread of terrorism within and outside Africa, a fact not being addressed by Agenda 2063. Yet while Agenda 2063 does not seek to address the challenges posed by terrorist networks within the continent, which are threatening human security as well as the sovereignty, territoriality, legitimacy and stability of political regimes, these issues are at the core of the agenda. This article argues for Agenda 2063 to step up its efforts to combat both the roots of terrorism and the threat to development that terrorism itself poses.     

‘A MAD age’: Heibon Punch,student protest,the media and consumer society in Cold War Japan

Abstract

In the 1960s, Heibon Punch became one of the most popular weekly magazines in Japan. It was the first weekly magazine aimed at young men and I examine here a selection of articles from the late 1960s, a period of violent student protests and international uncertainty, to argue that the importance of Heibon Punch can be found in the creation of a commodified urban, male subjectivity. In the pages of Heibon Punch, the counter-cultures that were emerging along with the protest movements taking to the streets of the major cities, became firmly embedded within the ideological state promotion of a consumer culture. The government's explicit connection of national development to domestic consumption after the ANPO protests was tied to American military and economic power, and was simply one more assault on popular sovereignty. In the pages of Heibon Punch, the political nature of the social and economic transformations wrought by high-speed economic growth was effaced by the relentless consumerisation of individual subjectivity. I place the magazine, its editorial stance and mediatisation of subjectivity, within the broader emergence of an urban, middle-class culture of consumption that served to blur the contours of individual male subjectivity, and was, in many ways, a precursor of neo-liberal subjectivities that emerged full-blown both politically and economically in the 1970s and 1980s. By pressing its readers to decide for themselves how to negotiate the identities, ideas, and goods on offer in its pages, Heibon Punch shifted the focus of political subjectivity from the established social and political system to the core of the individual subject.     

我国刑法没有规定共同正犯——单一正犯体系的视角

主张我国刑法也是采取区分制犯罪参与体系的论者,有的认为我国《刑法》第25条、也有的认为第26条是关于共同正犯的规定,并以此作为我国刑法采取区分制体系的重要法律依据。但是,我国《刑法》第25条、第26条均不是关于共同正犯的规定。不仅在这两个条文中找不到“共同正犯”或与之含义相同的词语,而且对这两个条文所指涉的犯罪参与人,也没有类似德、日刑法“依正犯处罚”的规定;况且,采取单一正犯体系的我国刑法,并不会有区分制体系的刑法所特有的那种关于共同正犯的规定。根本原因在于,区分制体系下须用共同正犯的规定和理念来解决的定罪处罚难题,在我国的单一正犯体系下并不存在。