论“后后冷战时代”

自20世纪以来,国际政治经历了"帝国主义时代"、"冷战时代"和"后冷战时代"."9·11"事件后,世界进入"后后冷战时代"."后后冷战时代"具有包括大国冲突"退场"、多极世界形成、世界多样化和全球治理成为国际政治主题等特点.     

Neville Chamberlain and Strategic Relations with the US During his Chancellorship

The standard appreciation of Neville Chamberlain's attitude towards the United States and its relationship to Britain's strategic position in the interwar most often begins its analysis with his becoming Prime Minister in 1937. Those works make it appear as if the man never considered what the strategic worth of the United States was until that moment. This article argues that to do so misses the vital influences and the legacy of Chamberlain's important formative years as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was in that role, and in particular during the confrontational era of negotiations concerning war debts in the period between 1932 and 1934, that his perceptions of the worth of the United States were influenced greatly. This article hopes to redirect future studies of Chamberlain's strategic thinking toward the idea of looking at the formulation of that strategic thinking in a more comprehensive fashion.     

A Problem Postponed: Britain and the Future of Austria-Hungary, 1914-18

Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s.     

论受贿罪中的“为他人谋取利益”

"为他人谋取利益"旨在说明国家工作人员收受的财物与其职务之间具有对价关系;"为他人谋取利益"中的"他人"包括行贿人、行贿人所指示的第三人以及单位,"利益"包含正当利益与不正当利益;将"为他人谋取利益"限定为客观上实施了谋取利益的具体职务行为或者解释为主观要件要素,不具有合理性;"为他人谋取利益"的最低要求是许诺为他人谋取利益;事先没有约定,在为他人谋取利益之后收受作为职务行为的不正当报酬的财物的,成立受贿罪;"为他人谋取利益"的行为构成其他犯罪的,除刑法有特别规定的以外,应当与受贿罪实行并罚。     

论罪刑法定与刑法解释

罪刑法定原则不是禁止刑法解释,只是为刑法解释界定了合理的空间。刑法解释不能违反罪刑法定原则,这是坚定不移的定律。即刑法解释又要在已定的刑法规范中得出符合罪刑法定原则的结论。     

抗战文艺运动述略

抗日战争爆发后党所领导的文艺运动呈现出新的时代特点.围绕"抗战"主题,与民族解放运动同步发展,运用文艺形式进行抗日救亡宣传成为抗战文艺运动的中心内容.探讨抗战文艺运动,得出的结论是:文艺不能脱离现实,文艺必须宏扬时代的主旋律、文艺不能没有党的领导.     

美国霸权的困惑

美国在新世纪这几年很是困惑 :实力越来越强 ,而国际形象则越来越差 ;“依附”美国的国家越来越多 ,而真正“效忠”美国的国家却越来越少 ;值得骄傲的事情越来越少 ,令人烦恼的事情越来越多。这些困惑实际上是美国霸权的困惑 ,其根源有二 :一是承担义务和责任的意愿越来越小 ,而霸气却越来越大 ;二是对合作的耐心下降 ,单边主义倾向上升。美国霸权的困惑实质上是全球化的困惑。全球化要求美国摒弃传统霸权行为 ,重视全球治理     

呆护与惩罚：未成年人犯罪刑事政策之选择

对于未成年人犯罪,无论是严厉的刑罚惩治还是人性化的轻刑化、非刑罚化处理, 就实证效果看,都有一定的局限性。笔者主张,应对未成年人犯罪,宜采取轻刑化和刑罚严厉化两极化的刑事政策,以对未成年人犯罪这一社会顽疾实现综合治理。     

The Second World War as a turning point in Arab–Jewish relations: the case of Jaffa and Tel Aviv

One of the gravest outcomes of the period of the Arab revolt was the heavy economic damage caused to the Arab community. Jaffa, which suffered greatly in the years 1936–1939, sought to rebuild and restore the city to its status as a leading economic center in Palestine. This need intensified still more with the outbreak of the Second World War. Hence, it was in Jaffa's evident interest to bring about an improvement in relations with Tel Aviv and with Jews generally. Problems regarding the proper management of economic life in wartime exercised the Jewish settlement also; therefore, Jewish–Arab cooperation steadily grew in this period. The article gauges the measure of this cooperation and the nature of the ties that consolidated between Arabs and Jews during the war. The situation of Jaffa and Tel Aviv serves as a test case well exemplifying the force of the subsequent change in relations between Jews and Arabs in Palestine.     

Answering the “International Call”: Contextualising Sydney Anti-Nuclear and Anti-War Activism in the 1960s

Although recent work on protest in the 1960s has placed organised opposition to the war in Vietnam in a transnational context, there is as yet no history of the Australian anti-nuclear campaigns of the early years of the decade. By examining anti-nuclear activism in 1961 and 1962 in relation to anti-war protest in 1965 and 1966, this paper argues that Sydney activists understood themselves as part of a transnational protest movement well before they began to agitate against military involvement in Vietnam. Lessons learnt while mounting solidarity protests with the British Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament informed the repertoire of practice that Australian anti-war activists used to mount their protests against the conflict in Indochina.