Anti-Japanese War and the Formation of the Anti-Japanese War Region in Southeast China

After the Lugou Bridge Incident, the Chinese nation began the whole nation's war of resistance against Japan. In the south, the Shanghai battle opened a prelude to the war of resistance in Southeast China. Through repeated battles in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, along the southeast coast and YueHan railway line, Japanese troops not only occupied Shanghai, Wuhan and Guangzhou, the three most developed cities in southern China, thus taking control of both sides of the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, but also captured ports off the Chinese southeast coast, thus taking control of China's long coastline. Accompanied with the military situation changes, four provincial party and government institutions of Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong successively moved in to the foothills of either side of the Wuyi Mountain and to the mountain area of Nine Mountains, thus the southeast region of the war of resistance against Japan gradually being formed, composed of the Kuomintang controlled area of Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Anhui and adjoining areas. From a national perspective, the southeast region of the war of resistance against Japan was located at the front line of China's war of resistance against Japanese aggression. It was not only significantly different from the rear of the war, but also different from anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines. But from the inside , it was both in the frontline and had its own rear and hinterland. This region of resistance against Japan deserves in-depth academic research and discussion as a whole.     

俄罗斯的腐败现状和反腐败政策研究

腐败在俄罗斯已经成为一个非常严重的社会问题,腐败无处不在,给国家的社会生活和经济发展造成巨大损失,公民对国家政权机关已经失去信心,但是至今为止在俄罗斯还没有形成有效的反腐败政策和法律.腐败和其他犯罪有紧密的关系,互相作用,使俄罗斯的腐败问题更加难以解决.因此俄罗斯迫切需要强硬、连续、逻辑性强的反腐败政策.     

U.S. Grand Strategy Following the George W. Bush Presidency

Debates over U.S. grand strategy have devoted a disproportionate level of attention to the War on Terror itself rather than the evolving strategic environment. Challenges including an impending shift in the balance of power, structural deficits, and divided public opinion will significantly impact the policy options available to government leaders, but they have not been adequately addressed. This article analyzes the options available for U.S. grand strategy following the George W. Bush presidency by relating key U.S. national interests with domestic and international policy constraints on the horizon. The analysis concludes that the United States must adopt a defensive grand strategy to rebuild popular consensus, to prevent further strain on the military, and to consolidate its gains in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, this strategy will require flexible coalitions, not formal international organizations, because of a significant divergence of security interests and capabilities with its European allies.     

我国贿赂犯罪罪名设置合理化问题研究

我国刑法分则第八章关于行贿、受贿犯罪的主体与对象特征规定较为混乱,影响了大众对这些犯罪的认知,笔者建议变更现有立法模式,将受贿犯罪与行贿犯罪分别予以整合形成公务受贿罪与公务行贿罪。罪名整合后不仅简化现有罪名体系,便于公众认知与学习,而且也为今后贿赂犯罪刑事立法的进一步完善做了铺垫。在此基础上,笔者对我国目前刑法关于受贿与行贿犯罪的立法规定进行整合和完善,形成关于公务受贿罪与公务行贿罪内容的具体设想。     

纽伦堡审判和东京审判的法律困惑之解读——以罪刑法定原则为视角

第二次世界大战结束后,随之而来的是纽伦堡审判和东京审判,即对战争罪犯和战争犯罪集团的审判。在当时的国际法背景下,两大审判面临着诸多法律困惑。文章以罪刑法定原则为视角,对纽伦堡审判和东京审判中的几个法律困惑进行解读。     

论徇私舞弊低价折股、出售国有资产犯罪案件侦查

侦查徇私舞弊低价折股、出售国有资产犯罪案件,要注意区分罪与非罪的界限,根据 案件的特点,选择正确的侦查途径,采取多种措施和策略,侦查取证,以打击犯罪。     

War,democratization, and generational cohort effects on participation in Japan

Studies show that both democratization and war mobilization boost levels of participation enduringly among members of the generational cohort that come of age around the time. But little is known about the relative effects of war mobilization and democratization on long-term participation rates among impressionable generations that experience both. We address this question by examining generational cohort effects by gender, drawing on newly available data on the case of Japan. Age-period-cohort analyses of the Survey on Japanese Value Orientations (1973–2013) show that the increase in lifelong participation rates of the “war generation” over prewar generations was much greater for men than for women, thus suggesting that the high rates of participation among members of this cohort are driven more by mobilization than by democratization. This finding yields significant implications for the analysis of democratic consolidation in different parts of the world.     

State crimes against democracy in the war on terror: applying the Nuremberg principles to the Bush–Cheney Administration

This article asks whether, in waging war in the Middle East, the Bush–Cheney Administration developed and executed a conspiracy comparable to the one for which Nazi leaders were tried, convicted, and executed at Nuremberg after World War II. To meet the Nuremberg standards, such a conspiracy must include efforts to subvert the constitutional order. Today, scholars refer to these actions as ‘state crimes against democracy’ (SCADs). After explicating the Nuremberg standards, the article applies them to the Bush–Cheney Administration's ‘war on terror’. The conclusion reached is that evidence of a SCAD-driven conspiracy is extensive and certainly adequate by the Nuremberg standards to warrant investigations and trials.     

冷战时期美国对东南亚的文化外交

二战结束后,随着冷战的逐步展开,美国政府通过对文化外交行政主管机构的整合、国会的一系列立法,与苏联为首的社会主义阵营展开了"文化冷战".冷战时期,美国在东南亚开展的文化外交主要有三种表现形式,即以富布赖特项目为代表的教育交流外交、以图书馆建设和图书翻译及传播为特征的图书外交,以及文艺表演外交.美国在东南亚地区开展的文化外交活动促使该地区部分国家的国民(尤其是社会精英阶层)了解并接受了美国的思想文化和价值观念,培养了一批具有社会影响力的"亲美"人士,进而推动了美国在东南亚地区的文化渗透.另一方面,美国的文化外交在某些情况下也给东南亚国家的统治阶层带来了一些麻烦,同时也引起了企图延缓东南亚非殖民化、希望继续控制东南亚地区的英国、法国等老牌殖民地宗主国的反感.此外,美国文化外交的扩张主义本质,以及美国在该地区的政治、军事行动与其在文化外交项目中标榜的国家形象显著冲突,也使得美国文化外交影响力的发挥大打折扣.     

不确定下的担忧：冷战后东盟国家对中国在地区安全角色的认知

冷战结束之后,东南亚地区国际局势发生了巨大的变化,然而对东盟国家来说,这种变化并没有让它们获得更多的安全感。它们一致的看法是,本地区所面临的最大威胁来自地区大国崛起所带来的地缘政治的不确定性,而这种不确定主要来自中国的稳定与未来发展的不可预测性,如何应对不确定所引发的担忧则构成了东盟国家对华政策的核心问题。