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51.
公用事业纠纷在我国现阶段并未得到良好的解决,其原因之一是多元解决机制的缺失。仲裁专业化是纠纷类型化解决思路在仲裁领域的具体应用。笔者以此为视角,尝试建立以网上仲裁程序为核心的专业化的公用事业纠纷仲裁制度。  相似文献   
52.
Digital identity management is fundamental to the further development of the Internet economy. It is a foundational requirement for most substantive e-commerce transactions and other online activities.  相似文献   
53.
“贵阳市干部在线学习园地”的实践与发展思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"贵阳市干部在线学习园地"是干部教育的新型有利平台,是干部培训的新阵地。为满足日益增长的干部培训量与干部培训内容的多元化、深入化、灵活化的需求,开发、运行"干部在线学习"网络平台是现今的需要,也是未来的趋势。  相似文献   
54.
In India, the government has perniciously ignored the issue of internet gambling. Unfortunately, there is no specific legislation in place that addresses internet gambling, nor has there been any consistent policy professed with regard to internet gambling. Thus, online gambling operators, both domestic and offshore, are allowed to operate with impunity in India. Spurred on by factors like inadequate legislation, a lack of enforcement, and an indifferent judiciary, online gambling in India is unregulated, untaxed, and most of all, unclear. This paper posits that there is an urgent need for legislative clarity in India's policy towards internet gambling.  相似文献   
55.
Online dispute resolution (ODR) has improved access to justice in the digital world. ODR users benefit from faster and cheaper dispute resolution mechanisms compared to traditional litigation and Alternative Dispute Resolution. There are few and quite varied regulatory systems for ODR.This research aims to develop a set of standards to measure the concept of security and to increase the consistency of security in ODR systems. An exploratory mixed method approach is used, involving a quantitative (survey) and mainly qualitative approach (face-to-face interviews) for gathering data. We identify three elements of information security, privacy, and authentication as standards for an appropriate ODR legal framework. Finally, these findings led to practical implications for policy makers and regulators.  相似文献   
56.
In recent years, the number of litigants representing themselves without legal counsel has increased across the United States. Courts have responded by creating programs and services to help litigants represent themselves. Self‐help centers nationwide use different models to deliver legal advice and information to unrepresented litigants. Some offer court‐based, walk‐in self‐help centers. Others provide services remotely via phone, web, email, video conferencing, and live chat. In Maryland, self‐help center services are offered at walk‐in centers and remotely by phone and live chat. This article examines litigants' perceptions of in‐person and remote delivery of legal advice and information on family law matters. Results revealed that all three service delivery methods have high satisfaction rates, but chat users were less likely to feel as though they knew what to do next. They were also less optimistic about their case than were phone or in‐person users.  相似文献   
57.
张丽 《河北法学》2005,23(7):98-99
不良信息对青少年身心健康的侵蚀是不容忽视的。网络虚拟世界、网络社会对真实世界、现实社会的依附性决定了人类对网络虚拟世界、网络社会具有控制和规范的能力。就青少年而言,他们有获得有益于其身心健康、文明向上的精神产品的权利;就社会而言,为青少年提供文明、健康的精神产品是社会的义务和责任。而法律介入是保护青少年在线权利的必由之路。  相似文献   
58.
59.
“网上追逃”存在的法律问题及完善建议   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
实践中由于"网上追逃"工作规定不完善,本身还存在诸多法律问题亟待解决,一定程度上侵害了犯罪嫌疑人的诉讼权益。因此,从立法上完善刑事侦查措施,实践中进一步规范"网上追逃"程序势在必行。  相似文献   
60.
Worldwide, voters are supporting populist candidates who promise to upend “politics as usual.” Despite all we know about populism, we still do not know how individuals respond to populist content during campaigns, particularly compared to other common content in liberal democracies. This paper adapts framing theory to an online electoral context to argue that populist campaign messages will generate more online engagement compared to three alternative conceptions of the relationship between the people and the elites: pluralism, technocracy, and neutral messages. The paper adapts Snow and Benford's seminal 1988 theory of resonance to studies of populist communication and assess whether populism resonates more with online social media users. An original dataset using the campaign Tweets of 22 national-level actors across five countries is used to test the theory: Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Italy, and Spain (N = 1777). The findings suggest that citizens on Twitter engage with populism more than its alternatives in certain contexts.  相似文献   
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