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181.
Two plausible but contradictory approaches to question order in research on sensitive or criminal behavior are (1) that presenting the questions in a sequence corresponding to a culturally recognized behavior pattern will facilitate disclosure, and (2) that presenting questions in random order will result in more disclosure because random order disrupts response sets. The question order of the original Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS1) used the culturally recognized sequence approach, and the revised CTS (CTS2) used a modified random order. This experiment was designed to determine which of these two question orders results in more disclosure of physical and sexual assault of a dating partner. The standard version of the CTS2, which has the questions from each of the 5 scales interspersed in a slightly modified random order, was administered to every second student in a sample of 417 university students. The other half of the sample were given the same instrument but with the questions in the culturally recognized sequential order used in the CTS1. The cultural sequence order begins with the socially approved behaviors in the Negotiation scale and ends with scales measuring antisocial and the criminal behavior such as the Physical Assault scale. The results indicate that the CTS2 random order produced significantly higher disclosure rates for the scales that measure criminal behavior (Physical Assault, Injury, and Sexual Coercion) and made no difference for the other CTS2 scales (Negotiation and Psychological Aggression). Although these results suggest that the CTS2 random order is the preferred approach, reasons to treat that conclusion with caution are presented. 相似文献
182.
The theoretical nature of attachment disorganization within two separate research traditions, are reviewed. Studies of attachment style related to sexual offending are then critically evaluated, with particular reference to the use of the self-report methodology for studying adult attachment styles. Here, it is argued that these studies may not have taken sufficient account of the disorganized attachment style or used a methodology that was able to adequately capture attachment disorganization. In that attachment disorganization could account for some of the known features of sexual offenders, such as aggression and socioaffective problems. We then suggest that if attachment disorganization is found in some serious sexual offenders this could have implications for treatment. Possible ways of increasing the validity of self-reported attachment style are also discussed within this paper. 相似文献
183.
司法会计鉴定结论是法定证据之一.由于司法会计技术人员一般都具备较高的综合素质,司法会计鉴定与查帐报告和审计结论有质的区别,司法会计技术人员对案件过程有比较全面的了解,对案件性质有比较深刻的认识,因此,司法会计鉴定结论对法律问题不应当采取一概回避或一律排斥的态度.又由于司法会计技术人员不具备对案件定性的权力,司法鉴定在本质上是一种科学研究活动,决定了它只能有限制地回答部分与鉴定要求有关的法律问题. 相似文献
184.
“5+1+1”模式,是司法部关于服刑罪犯每周的劳动教育、课堂教育和休息时间而作出的新规定、新标准。这一模式的形成和运行,对创新罪犯教育改造方法,着力推进正规化、系统化的课堂教育,确保提高罪犯教育改造质量以及依法保障罪犯合法权利等方面。都具有深远的意义。监狱必须抓住这一契机,着力探寻对罪犯科学施教的新方法和新途径。首先。应当突出罪犯的劳动教育。即把罪犯的劳动过程纳入思想教育的轨道;其次,应当抓好罪犯的课堂教育,即着重抓好罪犯文化、法制、道德的课堂教育。 相似文献
185.
186.
Nick Couldry 《Citizenship Studies》2014,18(6-7):615-629
This article explores the possibilities for new forms of ‘digital citizenship’ currently emerging through digitally supported processes of narrative exchange. Using Dahlgren's (Dahlgren, P. 2003. “Reconfiguring Civic Culture in the New Media Milieu.” In Media and the Restyling of Politics, edited by J. Corner, and D. Pels, 151–170. London: Sage; Dahlgren, P. 2009. Media and Political Engagement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.) circuit of ‘civic culture’ as a model for exploring the interlinking preconditions for new acts of citizenship, we discuss the contrasting outcomes of research at three fieldwork sites in the North of England – educational (a sixth form college), civil society (a community reporters' network) and social (a local club). Each site provided clear evidence of the elements of Dahlgren's circuit (some depending on the intensive use of digital infrastructure, others predating it), but there were also breaks in the circuit that constrained its effectiveness. A crucial factor in each case for building a lasting circuit of civic culture (and an effective base for new forms of digital citizenship) is the role that digital infrastructure can play in extending the scale of interactions beyond the purely local. 相似文献
187.
Dick Wilson 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):171-173
Abstract This paper compares health policy trends in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand with the purpose of drawing usable lessons in reform. The study finds that governments in the region are rapidly privatizing the provision of healthcare at the same time as they are expanding the government's role in financing. The paper argues that expansion of public financing at the same time as private provision is misconceived as the combination would aggravate instances and severity of market failures peculiar to the sector. The dysfunctional trend is particularly evident in Indonesia and the Philippines. In Thailand, in contrast, the expansion of public financing has occurred in the context of a health system dominated by public providers, which has had the effect of restraining healthcare costs. Malaysia occupies a mid position between Indonesia and the Philippines on the one hand and Thailand on the other. All four cases underline the value of state capacity in designing optimal policies and implementing them effectively. 相似文献
188.
陈茜 《新疆警官高等专科学校学报》2011,31(3):34-37
"3.14"事件后,甘南藏区社会的不稳定因素日趋增多,反分裂斗争更加尖锐复杂。当前,影响甘南藏区社会稳定的主要因素既有达赖集团及其分裂势力的分裂活动、复杂的民族宗教关系、宗教渗透等已被国内安全保卫部门所关注的传统因素,又有经济问题、人口流动、生态环境恶化、自然灾害等非传统领域的因素,并且各个因素之间相互影响、相互转化。甘南藏区的国内安全保卫工作应与宗教管理等部门的工作有机结合起来,加强针对该地区的专项社情调查研究,建立有效的预防控制机制。 相似文献
189.
红色资源融入高校思想政治教育是应对社会宏观环境变化的客观要求,也是应对高校校园环境挑战的客观要求。红色资源融入高校思想政治教育有着得天独厚的优势,体现在红色资源承载着思想政治教育内容、活动、环境三个方面的素材。高校可以从思想政治教育的主体、客体、介体、环体四个方面,探寻红色资源融入高校思想政治教育的策略. 相似文献
190.
Sue Anne Lafferty 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(3):185-205
This article discusses state support of artists in the United Kingdom, focusing on the Arts Council England. To understand the present—or the future—support of visual artists, one needs to understand the past. Accordingly, the article begins with a brief history of the Arts Council of Great Britain from 1946, discussing Thatcher's reforms after the 1979 election. Tony Blair's New Labour continued many of the same strategies instituted by the Conservatives. At the same time as fiscal constraints and "enterprise culture" were imposed, the mission of the Arts Council was broadened to include both geographical representation and a more populist agenda. A review of the contemporary arrangements for state support of artists in the United Kingdom shows that many of the tensions that exist within today's Arts Council were institutionalized in its early days. The article concludes with a comment on what the current situation may portend for the future. 相似文献