Offices and policies – Why do oppositional parties form pre-electoral coalitions in competitive authoritarian regimes?

Although previous research has suggested that the opposition’s ability to form pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) in authoritarian elections is crucial for the electoral outcome, little has been written about why and when such coalitions are formed. The aim of this article is to fill this empirical and theoretical gap. A theory that combines oppositional parties’ office- and policy-gaining potential when creating such coalitions is proposed. The article utilizes a unique database of 111 competitive authoritarian elections and provides a representative sample of strategically chosen cases. It is shown that, coalitions are more likely when structural conditions favor oppositional victories and when oppositional parties have a distinctive policy agenda in relation to the incumbent government. These factors are shown to be more important than electoral institutions.     

论中国政策执行模式的特征——以“十一五”期间成功关停小火电为例

如何认识和评价中国政策执行模式是当前中国政府和政策研究中的重要问题。在这一问题上,既有的研究提出了若干有代表性的观点,这些观点之间存在着"集中式的政策执行模式"和"分散式的政策执行模式"的分歧。本文通过对"十一五"期间成功关停小火电政策执行过程的考察,揭示了中国政策执行模式的三个典型特征:"层级加压+重点主抓型"体制架构;自上而下的政策执行过程;"恰当的政策+高层的决心"构成政策执行到底的充分条件。在此基础上,本文对既有的中国政策执行模式理论提出了修正:如果能够制定出恰当的政策,中国也可以是"诱导型体制";从执行方面看,中国兼有"职责同构"和"职责异构"因素;中国的政策执行模式兼具集中性和分散性,关键是构建政策制定参与机制和政策执行沟通协调机制,以发挥既有模式的优势并有效克服其不足。     

试论新加坡政府投资高等教育的特点

本文主要探讨新加坡高等教育的经费来源主体是政府、政府控制其教育投资规模及调控其运用等特点。在此基础上,分析新加坡政府重视高等教育投资以及改变与完善投资模式的原因。