遵义会议和十一届三中全会取得成功的几个重要因素

遵义会议和十一届三中全会,是中国共产党历史上具有重大历史转折意义的两次会议。这两次会议为什么会取得成功,本文从舆论和群众、思想和理论、民主和集中、领袖和领袖集团、策略和方法等重要因素进行了探讨。     

党的十七届三中全会召开的时代背景

十七届三中全会的召开具有其特定的时代背景,是破解农村发展现状和应对当前复杂的国际国内形势的需要。     

共产国际与中共六届五中全会和福建事变

中共六届五中全会使王明“左”倾教条主义错误发展到了顶点。新史料表明：召开此次全会及提交全会选举的中央政治局组成人员候选名单，系中共临时中央1932年12月提出；全会通过的《政治问题决议案》亦为共产国际所起草。在福建事变中，中共与十九路军的合作不成功责任主要在共产国际。博古、李德等对福建事变的态度，主要是受共产国际的影响。     

维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的探索——基于党的六届二中全会的分析

党的六届二中全会是中国共产党从大革命失败后的涣散状态,逐步走入正轨进程中的一次重要会议。这次会议对党内存在的各种错误倾向和面临问题进行了全面分析,并着力从坚持党的民主集中制、健全党内生活、严肃党的纪律、巩固党的组织、加强党内巡视、开展党内宣传教育等方面,对扭转党内涣散局面,恢复和维护党中央权威和集中统一领导作出了有益探索。这些探索对于在新时代如何维护党中央权威和集中统一领导仍具有一定的历史借鉴意义。     

安理会气候变化与安全辩论:共识、分歧及其逻辑

联合国安理会内气候变化与安全的辩论已经持续十几年之久,但是这些辩论并未达成有关气候变化与安全的普遍性决议。既有的研究文献大多利用安全化理论来描述和解释这个过程,但是缺乏解释力和叙事的完整性。安全化理论的一个重要局限是忽视安全化进程中听众的能动性,因此无法对安理会气候变化与安全辩论的整个进程和结果提供令人信服的解释。作者建立了一个新的比较分析框架,据此对这些辩论的逐字会议记录进行了较为完整的分析,并提出辩论中其实存在着两种话语实践,代表着对气候变化的安全风险和应对途径的两种认知和逻辑,而不仅仅是安全化的途径和逻辑。从政策的角度看,安理会内气候变化与安全辩论虽然存在有限的共识,但面临着巨大的认知差异、话语竞争和逻辑分歧,通过具有约束力的普遍性决议的政治可行性较低,以《联合国气候变化框架公约》为基础的全球气候变化治理机制是应对气候变化问题的最具权威性、合法性、普遍性和专业性的治理安排。中国作为安理会常任理事国,不仅应维护该机制的主渠道地位,也应在安理会气候变化与安全辩论中发挥更大作用。     

陈云在中共十一届三中全会前后的突出贡献——从陈云的一些批示和处理人民来信的角度切入

中共十一届三中全会前后，陈云不论在维护毛泽东的历史地位、恢复实事求是的马克思主义的思想路线、拨乱反正、平反冤假错案、解决历史遗留问题，还是在完善执政党党风建设和提倡培养成千上万的年轻干部等方面，都展现出其无产阶级革命家的高远见识、磊落胸襟、求实精神和公道正直的优秀品德。这些也反映在他的一些批示和所处理的人民来信中。     

Governing buyers of sex in the People's Republic of China

Abstract

This paper examines the developing body of Chinese prostitution law, and the nature of its implementation, with reference to mainstream media controversy surrounding the case of a male academic penalized as a buyer of commercial sexual services in late 2004. It argues that the protagonist's highly public ‘fall from grace’ may owe more to the Chinese media's new capacity to act as part of a disciplinary apparatus that extends beyond the purview of the Party-state – via its claim to promote freedom of information – than the presumed repressive ethos of the Chinese Communist Party.     

香港修例风波背后的深层次问题

香港2019年爆发的修例风波是香港回归祖国后遇到的最严峻的政治局面,也是“一国两制”在香港实践以来遇到的最大挑战。这场风波清晰地暴露了一系列严重妨碍“一国两制”在香港全面和准确贯彻的因素和情况。这些因素和情况包括:国家安全漏洞明显、政治体制内“自由”和“威权”失衡、“一国两制”的“另类诠释”存在、香港“核心价值”并不牢固、部分香港人“亲西方、抗中国”固有心态、国家宪法和基本法教育不到位、香港自由放任资本主义体制的缺失。中央对此已有察觉,并针对部分因素和情况制定了应对之策,从而为在香港全面和准确贯彻“一国两制”营造有利条件。     

Wasting or saving time? How government and opposition parties use time during legislative debates. Evidence from the Italian case

The use of plenary time during legislative debates has consequences for the enhancement of party goals. Hence, parties have different preferences on how legislative time should be managed: while some parties would like time not to be ‘wasted’ on the floor, other parties may instead try to ‘consume’ as much time as possible. Speeches delivered in the plenary signal these preferences. Focusing on plenary debates on legislation, this paper proposes a theory for explaining party speech-making behaviour that takes into consideration parties’ preferences on the use of time and their incentives related to the divide between government and opposition. The theoretical argument also emphasises the role of issue salience and party cohesion, which interact with the incentives faced by government and opposition parties. Hypotheses are tested against data from over 21,000 speeches delivered in the Italian parliament. Results highlight the importance of considering the different incentives faced by government and opposition parties when analysing speech making in parliamentary settings, and suggest some interesting avenues for future enquiry.     

Milton's army: The white house press corps

White House reporters follow a path constructed by presidential advisers that they hope will lead them to fulfill goals set by their news organizations. White House officials ration them facilities for work, access to newsworthy people, and reportable information in amounts that depend on the importance to the President of the type of media they work in, the status of their particular news organization, and the staff's respect for the influence and competence of a particular individual. In this context, several constraints that affect White House reporting are discussed here: those placed on reporters by their organizations; by the way their type of media covers the White House; by their relations with each other; and by their concepts of what they are required to do. The framework for this discussion and analysis is a classification by type of media and news organizations that assign journalists to the White House. Of the resulting six categories, the first three have the most structural and organizational influence and are given the most attention. The special status, unique history, and influence of photographers at the White House require that they be treated separately.