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21.
党的十八届三中全会针对深化金融体制改革提出,完善金融市场体系。其中,深化金融体制改革的目标是深化金融体制改革、完善金融市场体系;深化金融体制改革的措施和手段是健全多层次资本市场体系、完善人民币汇率市场化形成机制和加快推进利率市场化及加快发展民营金融机构。  相似文献   
22.
共产国际与中共六届五中全会和福建事变   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中共六届五中全会使王明“左”倾教条主义错误发展到了顶点。新史料表明:召开此次全会及提交全会选举的中央政治局组成人员候选名单,系中共临时中央1932年12月提出;全会通过的《政治问题决议案》亦为共产国际所起草。在福建事变中,中共与十九路军的合作不成功责任主要在共产国际。博古、李德等对福建事变的态度,主要是受共产国际的影响。  相似文献   
23.
马赛 《理论建设》2021,37(1):81-87
党的六届二中全会是中国共产党从大革命失败后的涣散状态,逐步走入正轨进程中的一次重要会议。这次会议对党内存在的各种错误倾向和面临问题进行了全面分析,并着力从坚持党的民主集中制、健全党内生活、严肃党的纪律、巩固党的组织、加强党内巡视、开展党内宣传教育等方面,对扭转党内涣散局面,恢复和维护党中央权威和集中统一领导作出了有益探索。这些探索对于在新时代如何维护党中央权威和集中统一领导仍具有一定的历史借鉴意义。  相似文献   
24.
中共十一届三中全会前后,陈云不论在维护毛泽东的历史地位、恢复实事求是的马克思主义的思想路线、拨乱反正、平反冤假错案、解决历史遗留问题,还是在完善执政党党风建设和提倡培养成千上万的年轻干部等方面,都展现出其无产阶级革命家的高远见识、磊落胸襟、求实精神和公道正直的优秀品德。这些也反映在他的一些批示和所处理的人民来信中。  相似文献   
25.
赵振华 《桂海论丛》2011,(3):1-5,135
文章阐述了战略机遇的内涵及特点,指出战略机遇稍纵即逝,要全面实现"十二五"的奋斗目标和完成全面建设小康社会历史任务,需要牢牢把握重要战略机遇。文章从国际和国内两个视角分析了我国面临的战略机遇,提出中国抓住战略机遇要坚持改革开放不放松,要坚持发展是第一要务,要善于化危为机。  相似文献   
26.
2013年是全面贯彻落实党的十八大精神的开局之年,扎实推进党风廉政建设和反腐败工作,对永葆党的纯洁性意义重大。本文主要从党的十八大及党的十八届三中全会对反腐倡廉建设的部署和要求,全面分析新形势腐败的新动向,总结腐败的原因,推动新的历史条件下反腐倡廉建设与党的纯洁性建设的思考,永葆党的纯洁性。  相似文献   
27.
White House reporters follow a path constructed by presidential advisers that they hope will lead them to fulfill goals set by their news organizations. White House officials ration them facilities for work, access to newsworthy people, and reportable information in amounts that depend on the importance to the President of the type of media they work in, the status of their particular news organization, and the staff's respect for the influence and competence of a particular individual. In this context, several constraints that affect White House reporting are discussed here: those placed on reporters by their organizations; by the way their type of media covers the White House; by their relations with each other; and by their concepts of what they are required to do. The framework for this discussion and analysis is a classification by type of media and news organizations that assign journalists to the White House. Of the resulting six categories, the first three have the most structural and organizational influence and are given the most attention. The special status, unique history, and influence of photographers at the White House require that they be treated separately.  相似文献   
28.
Abstract

This paper examines the developing body of Chinese prostitution law, and the nature of its implementation, with reference to mainstream media controversy surrounding the case of a male academic penalized as a buyer of commercial sexual services in late 2004. It argues that the protagonist's highly public ‘fall from grace’ may owe more to the Chinese media's new capacity to act as part of a disciplinary apparatus that extends beyond the purview of the Party-state – via its claim to promote freedom of information – than the presumed repressive ethos of the Chinese Communist Party.  相似文献   
29.
Presidential debates allow candidates to send a message directly to voters. We use an experimental design complemented with a content analysis of all presidential debates in 1992, 2004, and 2008 to explore how candidates should and do use agenda setting, framing, and message tone to shape the agenda in debates. We find that candidates are differentially attentive to various topics, depending on the comparative advantage provided by the topic. Yet, this agenda control occurs only at the margins because topic salience in public opinion predicts candidate attention and conditions voters' receptiveness to debate rhetoric. Our findings thus suggest that topic salience constrains candidates' abilities to focus the agenda strategically.

[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resources: Experimental Sample and Randomization; Experimental Treatments; Experimental Results; and the Presidential Debate Rhetoric Codebook.]  相似文献   
30.
The use of plenary time during legislative debates has consequences for the enhancement of party goals. Hence, parties have different preferences on how legislative time should be managed: while some parties would like time not to be ‘wasted’ on the floor, other parties may instead try to ‘consume’ as much time as possible. Speeches delivered in the plenary signal these preferences. Focusing on plenary debates on legislation, this paper proposes a theory for explaining party speech-making behaviour that takes into consideration parties’ preferences on the use of time and their incentives related to the divide between government and opposition. The theoretical argument also emphasises the role of issue salience and party cohesion, which interact with the incentives faced by government and opposition parties. Hypotheses are tested against data from over 21,000 speeches delivered in the Italian parliament. Results highlight the importance of considering the different incentives faced by government and opposition parties when analysing speech making in parliamentary settings, and suggest some interesting avenues for future enquiry.  相似文献   
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