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41.
20世纪五六十年代的中苏论战,旷日持久,历时十年,又称"十年论战".它是中苏关系史和中共党史上一个十分重大而复杂的历史事件.这场论战既表现了意识形态之争,又蕴含着国家利益之争,也反映了高举马克思主义大旗领导权之争.1963年9月中共中央开展的九评苏共中央公开信是中苏论战的转折点.它就像一枚重磅炸弹,在当时的国内外影响最大、最代表中共方面论战的核心观点,从而使中共在中苏论战中由防御转为反攻,由半公开不指名争论转为全面公开的指名道姓的争论,把中苏论战推向顶点和高潮.它的直接后果,是导致了第二次世界大战后社会主义阵营的破裂,中苏关系的破裂,强化了毛泽东的"反修防修"思想,因而和旨在完成"反修防修"任务的"文化大革命"有着直接的联系. 相似文献
42.
Televised political debates have attracted intensive research interest. Here we examined the effect of mixed-gender televised political debates on the candidates’ multimodal gender communicative accountability structure. The 2016 election campaign in the United States introduced for the first time a new factor into the presidential political contest: gender. This study is grounded in a theoretical and analytical framework that maps gender accountability structures of verbal/nonverbal communication patterns. We analyzed the televised debates during the 2016 US presidential campaign with the candidates: Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. The findings indicated that during mixed-gender debates, contenders present conduct that correspond to their gender communicative structures, primarily nonverbal patterns. Trump mainly expressed masculine-communicative patterns, while Clinton displayed mostly feminine-communicative patterns. The theoretical and analytical framework highlights the effect of gender on political communication. The novel perspective delineates and explains the implications of multimodal gender communicative accountability structure of contenders in mixed-gender political debates. 相似文献
43.
Michael Cornfield 《Journal of Political Marketing》2017,16(3-4):212-243
This article argues that an important political marketplace of keywords expands in social media around campaign events such as a debate; that rhetorical efforts to define the situation in which a campaign event occurs are met in this marketplace by user responses that more or less echo the keywords, thereby enhancing or diminishing the political power of their “caller” or speaker; and that social media monitoring platforms can enhance our understanding of public opinion influence competitions among candidates through the careful selection, tabulation, and inspection of words and phrases being voiced. In the case at hand, an analysis of Twitter volume data and a reading of a sample of 1200 tweets between July 30 and August 15, 2015, a period enveloping the first 2016 Republican presidential candidate debate on August 6, 2015, helps us understand how Donald J. Trump escaped political punishment from party and media elites for subverting Republican and U.S. norms of candidate behavior. Elite voices greatly disapproved of Trump’s debate performance and conduct, a traditional augury of declining public support. But the presence of social media voices enhanced Trump’s capacity to succeed with an insurgent marketing strategy, one he would continue into his election as president fifteen months later. Specifically, comparatively high user volume on a debate-oriented section of Twitter (i.e., posts with the hashtag #GOPDebate) for Trump’s name, slogan, and Twitter address, and for such advantageous keywords as “political correctness,” “Megyn Kelly,” and “illegal immigration” relative to terms and phrases favoring other candidates and Republicans as a whole indicates the presence of heavy and active popular support for Trump. The contents of the corresponding tweet sample exhibit Twitter-savvy techniques and populist stances by which the Trump campaign solicited that support: celebrity feuding, callouts to legacy media allies, featured fan comments, a blunt vernacular, and confrontational branding. The contents also illustrate ways in which users manifested their support: from the aforementioned high keyword volume to imitative behavior and the supplying of evidence to verify Trump’s contested claims during the debate. 相似文献
44.
This study examines the influence of debate viewing-social media multitasking on campaign knowledge during the 2012 presidential election. Results from three waves of a national cross-sectional survey of U.S. adults conducted during and after the 2012 presidential election suggest that social networking site (SNS) use overall correlates with increased knowledge of campaign issues and facts above and beyond the use of other sources of news media. In addition, watching a debate with or without simultaneous social media engagement is better for knowledge generation than not viewing a debate at all, but the effect of debate viewing is dulled when simultaneously engaging in social media multitasking. The debate viewing-social media multitasking effect is moderated by candidate preference, with differential learning occurring largely for knowledge that is favorable to one’s preferred candidate. 相似文献
45.
党的十九届五中全会提出并讨论通过了国民经济和社会发展第十四个五年规划和二○三五年远景目标,这是富于强烈政治制度色彩以及持续性极强的国家治理方式和举措,是党的政治领导与思想指导反映于国家经济社会发展领域的重要制度安排,是中央政府宏观指导地方与地方党委政府了解把握全局的结合点和切入点,是引导社会与凝聚民心士气的有效方式和重... 相似文献
46.
冯波 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2006,20(4):72-75
十六届五中全会将构建社会主义和谐社会确立为“十一五”时期经济社会发展的重要目标。党中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会的思考在不断深化,亲民的发展思路越来越清晰并被付诸实施。和谐社会应该是能有效化解人民内部矛盾和妥善解决社会问题的社会。当前,中国社会边缘群体的问题非常突出,执政党亲民、爱民的价值取向在解决边缘群体问题上可以得到充分地体现。 相似文献
47.
党的十七届五中全会的重大政治使命是审议通过《中共中央关于制定国民经济和社会发展第十二个五年规划的建议》。从历史视角解析这一政治使命,就要关注党对经济社会发展规划(计划)进行领导的历史轨迹。党对经济社会发展规划(计划)进行领导的历史轨迹体现在我们党执政以来建议、领导、制定一五计划到十二五规划的整个过程,从中我们可以得出党对经济社会发展规划(计划)进行领导的重要启示。 相似文献
48.
王国麟 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2014,(1):39-42
党的十八届三中全会审议通过了《中共中央关于全面深化改革若干重大问题的决定》,内容丰富,指导性、针对性、操作性都非常强,是指导我们全面建成小康社会,夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利,实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的行动纲领和行动指南。 相似文献
49.
Previous research on presidential debates has largely focused on direct effects of debates on viewers. By expanding the context of debate effects to post-debate citizen communication, this study moves beyond the direct and immediate impact of debate viewing and investigates indirect effects of debate viewing mediated by debate-induced citizen communication. Results from two-wave panel data collected before and after the 2004 presidential debates show that, as previous literature has suggested, debate viewing leads to partisan reinforcement and that these debate effects are in part mediated through post-debate political conversation. These findings provide a new layer of complexity to our understanding of the mechanisms underlying debate effects. 相似文献
50.
全面深化改革阶段我国国家治理的目标是国家治理体系和治理能力现代化。国家治理体系现代化主要体现为经济治理体系、政治治理体系、文化治理体系、社会治理体系、生态文明治理体系现代化,国家治理能力现代化主要体现为科学执政、民主执政、依法执政能力。 相似文献