新中国成立以来关于私营企业主入党问题的四次论争

新中国成立以来,党在私营企业主入党问题上经历了一个坎坷曲折的认识过程.从建国初期党内高层在富农党员问题上的严重分歧,到改革开放初期各级党组织在百万富翁入党问题上的谨小慎微,再到2001年江泽民七一讲话时首次对私营企业主中的先进分子敞开大门.每一次认识上的深化,都是一次深刻的思想解放,而每一次思想解放的前夜,都必然伴随着人们激烈的思想论争.在迷茫中论争,在论争中醒悟,在醒悟后升华思想,党关于私营企业主入党问题的认识伴随着人们思想上的论争而不断深化.     

中国共产党在文化上的重大决定——对十七届六中全会精神的简读

党的十七届六中全会在文化上作出重大决定是有其深刻的背景条件和现实基础;《决定》的主要内容框架大致可分为3个大板块,其核心要点可用文化强国、文化体制改革、文化产业发展、文化软实力、文化自觉与文化自信5个关键词来概括,其特点主要体现在决定的内容和决策两大层面;我们党在推进文化改革发展方面提出的6条重大举措,对开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面具有重大而深远的意义。     

The Use of Indirection in Televised Political Debates

ABSTRACT

We examine the use of indirection in the three televised debates between George Bush and Al Gore during the 2000 American presidential race. Indirection is a discursive process that enables a speaker to perform a nonliteral “primary” speech act by performing a literal “secondary” speech act. Eight mechanisms of indirection are characterized and explained using examples from the debates. Their occurrence in the debates is also analyzed. The indirection used most often saw the speaker promising to perform an action by expressing his intention to do so. A comparison is made between the American debates and Canadian and Quebec debates. Also questioned is the persuasive effect of indirection in political communication and its potential for strategists and for future research in light of the presented results.     

Unpacking the politics of legislative debates

Legislative debates are a thriving field in comparative politics. They make representation work by offering legislators the opportunity to take the floor and represent their constituents. In this paper, we review the key theoretical concepts and empirical findings in a maturing field. We begin by addressing what legislative debates are and why we should study them to learn about inter- and intra-party politics. Next, we look at the contributions springing from Proksch and Slapin's ground-breaking model. In so doing, our review suggests that recent work extends the original model to include further dimensions of legislative debates. Third, we examine the role of legislative debates as mechanisms of representation, focusing on gender. Four, we examine the challenges of the comparative analysis of legislative debates. Finally, we map the road ahead by discussing four avenues of future research and some key questions that remain unanswered.     

认真贯彻落实党的十七届四中全会精神 不断深化干部人事制度改革

党的十七届四中全会《决定》提出了深化干部人事制度改革的重要任务。深化干部人事制度改革是深入贯彻落实科学发展观、服务经济文化强省建设的迫切需要,是建设中国特色干部管理制度、努力营造选贤任能浓厚氛围的迫切需要,是匡正选人用人风气、提高选人用人公信度和群众满意度的迫切需要。必须牢牢把握中央在深化干部人事制度改革上提出的新要求新举措,坚持德才兼备、以德为先的用人标准,把干部的德放在首要位置;坚持民主、公开、竞争、择优,完善干部选拔任用机制;坚持完善从基层一线培养选拔干部制度,促进形成重视基层的用人导向;坚持严格要求和关心爱护相结合,健全干部管理机制。     

When a Man Meets a Woman: Comparing the Use of Negativity of Male Candidates in Single- and Mixed-Gender Televised Debates

Much work has been done to analyze the consequences of the increasing representation of women in politics. Usually, this research compares male and female politicians from a female perspective. For instance, many studies in political communication investigate how and why female candidates show campaign styles similar to or different from their male colleagues. In contrast to this, few studies are interested in how men change their behavior when women enter the political arena. Some of these studies have demonstrated that men limit their negativity when confronted with female candidates. Unfortunately, these analyses focus predominantly on (a) the United States and (b) gender differences in campaign advertising. We seek to provide empirical evidence for non-U.S. campaigns from the most important single campaign events: televised debates. To do so, we analyze data covering all German televised debates broadcast since 1997 where male politicians participated in a two-candidate single- or mixed-gender debate. Our results indicate that the gender of the political opponent affects incivility but not the use of attacks in general. In mixed-gender debates there is less incivility. However, differences in the treatment of male and female opponents tend to decline over time. We conclude that female candidates transform campaign communication—not only because they communicate differently from men, but also because they influence male politicians’ political communication.     

我国行政体制改革的动因、进展与路径选择

当前国际环境日趋复杂,信息技术革命日新月异,社会主要矛盾发生深刻变化,新一轮开放高水平推进,这些新情况新变化对深化我国行政体制改革,推进政府治理现代化提出了更高要求。党的十八大以来,我国行政体制改革向纵深发展,突出政府职能转变的主线,稳步推进大部门体制,深入推进"放管服"改革,决策科学化、民主化和法治化进程加快。按照党的十九届四中全会《决定》的新部署,深化行政体制改革,推进政府治理现代化要在价值取向、组织结构、职责体系、运行过程、技术支持、法治保障等层面进行全方位系统性深入改革。     

Identifying Media Effects Through Low-Cost,Multiwave Field Experiments

Field experiments are notoriously difficult to implement when studying media effects. They are often prohibitively expensive, require the cooperation of a nonacademic entity, and measure effects some time after exposure to treatment. In this article, we outline a design for low-cost, multiwave field experiments of media effects. Researchers can implement this design on their own and can control the timing of when they measure effects. We demonstrate the feasibility of the design with an application to the study of presidential debates.     

试论公有制经济与市场经济的相容性——兼析十八届三中全会“使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用”命题

在西方经济学视阈中,市场经济与个人主义、私有制度具有天然合一的特性,其内含"经济人""无形之手—放任自由信仰""效率—公平互抵"等充满争议的理论假设。其中的"经济人"假设在某种意义上可以被视为这个假设体系的基础和理论质点。亚当·斯密在《国富论》中对此作出了最早且明确的阐述,之后,由约翰·穆勒将之归结为"经济人"假设,帕累托进而将"经济人"概念引入西方经济学理论视阈中。"经济人"假设认定私有制经济符合人类最为"真实和唯一"的本性——利己性,在"看不见的手"牵引之下,自私的本性及私有制经济将最大化地促进人类社会整体利益,这个理论杠杆有力地撬起了功利主义维度的市场经济道德支柱,并论证了市场经济与私有制相融合的天然合理性。文章首先对"经济人"假设与私有制经济作出批判性考察,尝试把这两个因素与市场经济剥离开,并将市场经济还原为一种社会经济资源配置的方式和机制,接着分别对作为"过渡阶段"社会主义的历史局限性与公有制经济高绩效命题及其历史实践作出辨析,对社会主义公有制经济与市场经济必然相遇而且能够相容的问题作出了肯定性回答,而这也彻底消除了十八届三中全会"使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用"的命题中可能蕴涵和产生"公有制经济将逐渐被私有制经济所取代"的疑虑。