首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   84篇
  免费   3篇
各国政治   5篇
工人农民   3篇
世界政治   1篇
外交国际关系   11篇
法律   5篇
中国共产党   13篇
中国政治   8篇
政治理论   16篇
综合类   25篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   4篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   2篇
  2017年   3篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   13篇
  2013年   11篇
  2012年   1篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   5篇
  2008年   10篇
  2007年   1篇
  2006年   1篇
  2004年   4篇
  2002年   1篇
排序方式: 共有87条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
71.
72.
黄志恒 《桂海论丛》2010,25(2):55-58
从党的七届二中全会毛泽东倡导"两个务必"开始,到改革开放新时期的邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛,把反腐倡廉与党的建设、与改革开放和社会主义现代化建设紧密结合在一起,在理论和实践方面丰富和充实了反腐倡廉建设的内容,形成了中国特色反腐倡廉道路。在新世纪新阶段,坚持中国特色反腐倡廉道路不动摇,是贯彻落实十七届四中全会精神的需要。  相似文献   
73.
建设马克思主义学习型政党是一项系统工程,要解决的问题很多,但首要的基础性的问题是抓好学风。中国共产党成立近90年的历史经验告诉我们:学风正,学以致用;学风不正,贻害无穷。建设马克思主义学习型政党,一定要从端正学风开始。  相似文献   
74.
学习型政党的建设关键在于落实。从学习组织者的角度来看,应把握六个方面:明确目标,不含糊;形成制度,不妥协;及时反馈,不懈怠;加强交流,不闭塞;学会实践,不教条;形式多样,不拘泥。  相似文献   
75.
Election campaigns are expected to inform voters about parties’ issue positions, thereby increasing voters’ ability to influence future policy and thus enhancing the practice of democratic government. We argue that campaign learning is not only contingent on voters’ characteristics and different sources of information, but also on how parties communicate their issue positions in election debates. We combine a two-wave panel survey with content analysis data of three televised election debates. In cross-classified multilevel auto-regression models we examine the influence of these debates in the 2010 Dutch parliamentary election campaign on voters’ knowledge of the positions of eight parties on three issues. The Dutch multiparty system allows us to separate voters’ ability to position parties from their accuracy in ordering these parties. We reach three main conclusions. First, this study shows that voters become more able and accurate during the campaign. However, these campaign learning effects erode after the elections. Second, whereas voters’ attention to campaigns consistently contributes to their ability to position parties, its effect on accuracy is somewhat less consistent. Third, televised election debates contribute to what voters learn. Parties that advocate their issue positions in the debates stimulate debate viewers’ ability to position these parties on these issues. In the face of the complexity of campaigns and debates in multiparty systems, campaigns are more likely to boost voters’ subjective ability to position parties than their accuracy.  相似文献   
76.
The early twentieth century saw many democracies adopt proportional representative systems. The textbook explanation, pioneered by Rokkan, emphasize between‐party electoral competition; the rise of the Socialist vote share made Bourgeois parties prefer PR systems to maximize their seat share. While appealing, this account is not entirely compelling. Consequently, scholars are investigating within‐party explanations of support for such reforms. Particularly, Cox, Fiva, and Smith show how list PR enable party leaders to discipline members and build cohesive parties. Relying on roll‐call votes across the Norwegian 1919 electoral reform from two‐round single‐member plurality to closed‐list PR, they show that the internal party cohesion increased following the reform. We investigate how the Norwegian electoral reform changed the content of parliamentary speeches. Comparing speeches from MPs present both before and after the reform, we show how parties become more cohesive in parliamentary debates under list PR than they were under the single‐member‐district system.  相似文献   
77.
Grid-group cultural theory is applied to an empirical analysis of five debates on abortion in the Norwegian Parliament between 1992 and 1996. Policy arguments concerning selective abortion and abortion in general are compared. In the cultural–theoretical literature, restrictive policy arguments towards abortion have been connected to the hierarchical cultural bias, whereas permissive policy arguments have been associated with egalitarian and individualistic worldviews. The empirical analysis, however, shows that there are various different connections between abortion policy arguments and cultural biases. The possibly contradictory situation that arises when parties switch between cultural biases is discussed, and the article concludes that grid-group cultural theory proves useful in relating the various abortion policy arguments to broader worldviews that transcend this particular policy issue.  相似文献   
78.
党的十七届三中全会作出的《关于推进农村改革发展若干重大问题的决定》,深刻总结了改革开放以来农村改革发展的宝贵经验,科学判断了农村改革发展的历史方位,科学勾勒了新一轮农村改革发展的新路径,是推进新一轮农村改革发展的行动纲领。  相似文献   
79.
Political campaigns frequently set low expectations (using a low pitch) in televised political debates to make the later claim that their candidates have done better than expected. The limited credibility of campaign aides, coupled with the fact that perception often confirms expectations, makes this strategy psychologically problematic. In Study 1, when no post-debate information was provided, lowering expectations for a candidate led to lower ratings of performance. In Study 2, when positive feedback (a post-debate spin) was provided after a low pitch, participants did rate performance positively, but only when the spin was supplied by a credible media source. The same strategy when used by campaign strategists adversely impacted candidates, leading to lower ratings of debate performance and network coverage.  相似文献   
80.
党的十八届四中全会对法的论述诠释了法的目标,即把中国建设成社会主义法治国家,解释了法律是治国重要的武器,好的法律体系和法律制度才能真正贯彻公平、正义,维护人民的各种权益。全会一再强调恪守立法为民思想,加强法律体系建设,以高标准、严要求,加强法律制度和法律执行队伍的建设。无论全会中论述法的目的,还是法的权威及法律实施的各项要求,无一不透漏着党的民生思想,展现着以民为先、为民服务的思想。民生思想贯穿十八届四中全会报告,彰显在法治思想的精神与理念中。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号