Solidarity economy and recycling co-ops in São Paulo: micro-credit to alleviate poverty

Lack of working capital hinders collective commercialisation of recyclables. Social exclusion and bureaucratic constraints prevent recyclers from obtaining official bank loans. As they continue to depend on intermediaries, the cycle of poverty, dependency, and exclusion is perpetuated. The article discusses collective commercialisation and the micro-credit fund created among 30 recycling groups in the Brazilian city of São Paulo. A committee of eight women recyclers manages this fund. The article contextualises reflections on empowerment and community-based development, applying the theoretical framework of social and solidarity economy. The author finally suggests that inclusive governance structures have the potential to generate greater justice and sustainability.     

Oxfam Australia's experience of ‘bottom–up’ accountability

Oxfam's experience suggests that ‘bottom–up’ accountability can be an important mechanism whereby men and women living in poverty can hold others to account. The first section of this article illustrates this with two examples of Oxfam experience in Vietnam and Sri Lanka. The second section draws out some of the lessons from these examples and attempts to situate them within the broader debate about approaches to accountability. In the third section some suggestions are put forward about what would need to change if active citizenship and ‘speaking truth to power’ were to become the renewed focus of accountability.     

反思金大中政府的对朝政策

1998年金大中政府执政后,在总结历届政府处理和解决对朝政策的经验教训、全面分析朝鲜半岛形势和国际形势的现状和发展趋势的基础上,提出了旨在维护和促进朝鲜半岛和平稳定的对朝"和解、合作"政策.在朝韩共同努力下第一次实现了两国首脑会晤,签署了<南北共同宣言>,使南北交流与合作得到一定程度的进展,并稳定了朝鲜半岛和东北亚地区的局势.     

上市公司股利政策研究

我国上市公司的股利政策存在严重不分配现象,股利支付率偏低,缺乏连续性等问题。借鉴西方发达国家的经验,我们应着力建立健全法律法规,完善上市公司股权结构,强化其资源配置功能。     

欧盟亚太外交中的朝鲜半岛政策

1991年12月9日《欧洲联盟条约》签署后,欧洲联盟国家在追求经济一体化的同时,也在追求政治一体化,即欧洲联盟国家应以国家联盟共同体的方式,用一种声音说话。由于欧盟成员国间政治经济发展的不平衡以及在对外关系中的各自特点和差异,欧盟在对外政策上要完全用一个声音说话,还需要一个较为漫长的过程,也会受到成员国各种因素的制约。欧盟对朝鲜半岛政策从奉行接触到积极介入以及其中的起伏变化,多少能够看出欧盟在对外政策方面的相对模糊与迟缓。     

主观性很重要——重新思考俄罗斯与西方关系

在后苏联时代,俄罗斯外交政策的典型特征是情境性前后矛盾的重复出现,即立场的不对称变化以及与参与政策形成巨大反差的行为。这种不合逻辑的外交政策行为突出表现在2008年俄格冲突、北约东扩和美国计划在西欧部署导弹防御系统的过程中。传统理性主义国际关系理论都是以行为体为中心,都假设行为体的政策偏好不是易变的,所以对俄罗斯这种让人困惑的外交政策行为时缺乏解释力。外交政策受到行为体对世界的主观解读和情绪的影响。俄罗斯不被西方尊重的感觉导致了两者的冲突,俄罗斯的"愤怒"是不被尊重的感觉导致的情绪化判断,是为了显示自身的重要性而非起破坏作用。分析俄罗斯外交政策中的主观性因素,为更好地理解俄罗斯与西方关系提供了一个新的理论和分析的角度。     

俄格冲突与俄罗斯独联体政策的未来

俄格军事冲突是冷战后俄格矛盾的一次释放.透过这一事件,独联体建设的诸多问题凸显出来.独联体未来的命运成为人们关注的焦点,俄罗斯未来政策的转变将对此起决定性作用.为了使独联体这一组织形式更具吸引力和更具效力,俄罗斯有必要改变其对独联体国家关系的行为方式,加强独联体组织功能建设,健全联合治理机制,提供更多的公共物品,承担力所能及的责任.唯有如此,独联体组织机制的功能才会被激活,并最终有利于俄罗斯国家实力的全面提升.     

"零容忍"警务政策与"打早打小"警务政策的比较分析

"零容忍"警务政策是从社会大众平时最为关心和感受最深的轻微违法犯罪入手,严厉打击,不让其有机会转变为重大犯罪,进而控制犯罪率."打早打小"警务政策是当犯罪行为处于萌芽状态和初始阶段时,就及时予以打击,不让其膨胀成为影响社会治安、影响群众安全感的"肿瘤".使犯罪活动处于可控状态.上海公安机关实施的"打早打小"警务政策借鉴了"零容忍"警务政策及其战略、战术,确保了一方平安,为上海经济持续发展、社会持续稳定提供了强有力的保障.     

Robots,standards and the law: Rivalries between private standards and public policymaking for robot governance

This article explains the complex intertwinement between public and private regulators in the case of robot technology. Public policymaking ensures broad multi-stakeholder protected scope, but its abstractness often fails in intelligibility and applicability. Private standards, on the contrary, are more concrete and applicable, but most of the times they are voluntary and reflect industry interests. The ‘better regulation’ approach of the EU may increase the use of evidence to inform policy and lawmaking, and the involvement of different stakeholders. Current hard-lawmaking instruments do not appear to take advantage of the knowledge produced by standard-based regulations, virtually wasting their potential benefits. This fact affects the legal certainty with regards to a fast-paced changing environment like robotics. In this paper, we investigate the challenges of overlapping public/private regulatory initiatives that govern robot technologies in general, and in the concrete of healthcare robot technologies. We wonder until what extent robotics should be governed only by standards. We also reflect on how public policymaking could increase their technical understanding of robot technology to devise an applicable and comprehensive framework for this technology. In this respect, we propose different ways to integrate the technical know-how into policymaking (e.g., collecting the data/knowledge generated from the impact assessments in shared data repositories, and using it for evidence-based policies) and to strengthen the legitimacy of standards.