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841.
【问题】间断-均衡预算理论通过美国、欧洲等不同国家的联邦、州与地方政府的预算变迁得到检验,该理论对于中国政策过程和预算过程的适用性如何?制度摩擦假设是否能解释预算变迁的间断性?政治周期是否为替代性假设?【方法】论文通过利用1992—2019年的全国、中央和地方预决算数据,利用正态性检验、L-K值等计算方法实证分析了中国预决算变迁的间断性情况。除此之外,论文还采用了固定效应模型分析了政治周期对预算变迁间断性的影响。【发现】研究发现中国预算变迁遵循间断性逻辑,制度摩擦也是导致间断性差异的重要变量,其中所得税收入分享改革作为制度摩擦的代理变量对中央政府预算间断性的影响更为显著。为了检验间断性的政治周期替代性假设,通过比较党代会周期和中央领导人更替周期的间断性,发现政治周期对预算变迁并没有太明显的影响。【贡献】中国的预算变迁为间断-均衡预算理论提供了新的经验证据,这进一步证明了“一般间断假设”和“公共预算的一般经验法则”,从而为理论的外部有效性提供了更多证据。而制度摩擦和政治周期假设的检验为中国预算变迁的间断性提供了更明确的解释。 相似文献
842.
843.
综论中国法制的近代化 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
中国法制近代化是中国近代社会政治、经济、文化等发展变迁的必然结果。它是在引进西方法文化的同时 ,批判与吸收中国传统法文化的合理内核的矛盾冲突中逐步推进的。法律移植在中国法律近代化的进程中起了重要作用 ,但正反两方面的经验教训告诉我们 :任何被移植来的西方法制文明因素 ,只有扎入中国的文化土壤 ,得以积淀下来 ,进而成为本民族法文化的一部分 ,才是成功的移植。 相似文献
844.
扩大公民有序政治参与是我国社会主义民主政治建设的内在要求。本文以制度为分析视角,在对公民有序政治参与制度化做出界定的基础上,着力分析了在我国实现公民有序政治参与制度化的意义和现实路径。 相似文献
845.
“现代化”指标体系研究的再认识——兼论“提前”、“率先”应当慎提 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
由可操作化的现代化概念到现代化指标体系的出现,是认识的深化,反映了社会的进步.所谓"英格尔斯现代化指标体系"本不存在,却对我国的现代化研究和现代化实践产生了误导.十六大以后国内关于全面小康和现代化的指标体系研究有了新进展,但从一定意义上讲仍然不够科学、不够完善.联合国千年发展目标则代表了目前指标体系研究领域的国际先进水平,引入这一目标体系,将对我国的现代化指标体系研究和全面小康与现代化建设的实践产生积极影响. 相似文献
846.
The persistence of adolescents’ political attitudes and behaviors into adulthood is a perennial concern in research on developmental
psychology. While some authors claim that adolescents’ attitudinal patterns will remain relatively stable throughout the life
cycle, others argue that the answers of adolescents in political surveys have but a limited predictive value for their future
attitudes and behaviors. In this article, we tackle this question on an aggregate level, by comparing survey data for 14,
18 and 18 to 30 year old respondents from eight European countries (n = resp. 22,620; 20,142 and 2800). We examine political trust, attitudes toward immigrants’ rights and voting behavior. The
analysis suggests that country patterns with regard to political trust and attitudes toward immigrant rights are already well
established by the age of 14. We find less indications for stability in the relation between intention to vote (for 14 and
18 years olds) and actual voting behavior (for young adults). The latent structure of the political trust scale was found
to be equivalent for the three age groups we investigated. We close by offering some suggestions on why attitudinal stability
seems stronger than behavioral stability.
Marc Hooghe is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Catholic University of Leuven (Belgium). His research interests include political socialization and political participation. He has also published widely on social capital and generalized trust. Britt Wilkenfeld is a PhD student at the University of Maryland, Department of Human Development. She has been a visiting scholar at the University of Leuven. Her major research interests include youth involvement and the impact of community volunteering programs. 相似文献
Britt WilkenfeldEmail: |
Marc Hooghe is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Catholic University of Leuven (Belgium). His research interests include political socialization and political participation. He has also published widely on social capital and generalized trust. Britt Wilkenfeld is a PhD student at the University of Maryland, Department of Human Development. She has been a visiting scholar at the University of Leuven. Her major research interests include youth involvement and the impact of community volunteering programs. 相似文献
847.
This article uses relatively novel techniques (geographic information systems, spatial regression) to provide counterevidence to the reasoning voter hypothesis in previous studies of direct democracy. We apply these methods to voting data in relation to the spatial implications of Proposition 83, a 2006 California ballot initiative that set residency restrictions upon felons convicted of sexual offenses to 2,000 feet beyond the boundaries of parks and schools. We apply a theoretical framework that argues that geographic/spatial awareness is often subject to affective responses. Our hypothesis suggests that, in the absence of clear costs/benefits and without explicit cues concerning the complexity of the spatial environment, voters' abilities to place self‐interested votes become more susceptible to affect and symbols. Our models support this idea: partisan, ideological, and affective determinants dominate the model, while geographic self‐interest is unrelated to voting behavior on Proposition 83. Related Articles: “Citizen Trust, Political Corruption, and Voting Behavior.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00267.x/abstract “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to “New Terrorism.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x/abstract “Moral Values and Vote Choice in the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election.” (2007) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00058.x/abstract Related Media: Video Clip: “Jessica's Law Dilemma: Homeless Sex Offenders.” (ABC7News 2010) http://abclocal.go.com/kgo/story?section=news/iteam&id=7245220 Este artículo usa técnicas relativamente nuevas (SIG, regresión espacial) para proveer un contraargumento a la hipótesis del elector racional en estudios previos en democracia directa (e.g., Lupia 1994). Aplicamos estos métodos a información electoral en relación a las implicaciones espaciales de la Proposición 83, una iniciativa de California en 2006 que estableció restricciones de residencia para personas sentenciadas por delitos sexuales a mantener una distancia de 600 metros de los límites de parques y escuelas. Aplicamos un marco teórico donde argumentamos que la conciencia geográfica/espacial está sujeta a respuestas afectivas frecuentemente. Nuestra hipótesis sugiere que, en la ausencia de costos/beneficios explícitos y sin una indicación clara acerca de la complejidad espacial del entorno, la habilidad de los electores para votar en su propio interés se vuelve más susceptible a emociones y símbolos. Nuestros modelos apoyan esta idea: determinantes partidistas, ideológicos y afectivos dominan el modelo, mientras que interés individual geográfico no está relacionado al comportamiento electoral en la Proposición 83. 相似文献
848.
Kimiko Tanaka 《The History of the Family》2013,18(3):178-188
The population aging in Japan has been accelerated not only by the nation's longest life expectancy at birth but also by its falling fertility rate. As the existence of a Japanese family's grave presupposes the continuity of the family line, Japan's current low fertility rate has increased families without progeny who now face problems of their family graves becoming “disconnected.” In this study, historical trends of graves in Japan were analyzed — how the idea of traditional family grave was socially constructed and how it has transformed society, culture, and families. In addition, analyzing the Japanese General Social Survey (JGSS) 2001, it addresses the importance of gender on people's expectations about burial partners in current Japanese society. The analysis of JGSS-2001 data revealed that although the majority of people chose graves with succession across generations, younger generations were more likely to support diversified graves than were older generations, and this difference was greater for women than for men. Finally, understanding problems and limitations of current Japanese graves, future issues of Japanese graves will be addressed. 相似文献
849.
ANDREW R. LEWIS 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(3):441-468
Religious denominational advocacy groups present opportunities for grassroots representation, but it is necessary to understand the relationship between members' preferences and the advocacy decisions made by the organization. Previous research suggests that organizational characteristics and internal and external contexts may affect congruence, but this has not been thoroughly analyzed for denominational groups. I perform a comparative case study of two related denominational groups—the Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission (ERLC) and the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty (BJC)—that are active participants in church‐state advocacy but take divergent Establishment Clause views. I use survey data to compare the members' preferences with the group's position statements and amicus brief filings, finding that neither of the organizations mirror its members, though the ERLC is more congruent than the BJC. I argue that internal politics, external context, group structure, and membership characteristics impact the congruence between grassroots members and advocacy decisions. Los grupos religiosos mediáticos presentan una oportunidad para la representación comunitaria, pero es necesario entender la relación entre las preferencias de sus miembros y las decisiones tomadas por su organización. Investigaciones previas sugieren que las características organizacionales, así como el contexto interno y externo puede afectar la congruencia, pero esto no ha sido meticulosamente analizado en los grupos mediáticos. Yo realizo un análisis de caso comparativo de dos grupos mediáticos relacionados—la Comisión de Ética y Libertad Religiosa de la Convención Bautista del Sur (CERL) y el Comité Conjunto Bautista para la Libertad Religiosa (CCB)—que son participantes activos en la defensa de la iglesia‐estado pero que sostienen opiniones divergentes acerca de la Primera Enmienda a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos. Para este estudio utilizo datos de encuestas para comparar las preferencias de los miembros con la posición oficial de sus grupos y de una perspectiva imparcial, mostrando que ninguna de las organizaciones concuerda con sus miembros, aunque el CERL es más congruente que el CCB. Yo argumento que las políticas internas, el contexto exterior, la estructura grupal, y las características de afiliación tienen un impacto en la congruencia entre miembros comunitarios y las decisiones de apoyo. 相似文献
850.
John O’Connor 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(4):409-430
British playwright Howard Brenton once wrote, “There is an infinite variety of ways of making theatre, but only one theme which, inevitably, Aeschylus was onto—it’s simply ‘how can we live justly?’” Brenton’s entire oeuvre reflects his struggle to answer this basic question but he has specifically characterized three of his plays as Utopian. These are Sore Throats, Bloody Poetry, and Greenland. The plays comprise a journey which begins, in the playwright’s words, “far from human dignity and peace” and ends 700 years from now with a vision of Brenton’s hopes for the future: “how I hope my children, or my children’s children’s children, will live and think.” The works explore the nature of love, individual relationships, and sexual roles as these relate to issues of power and manipulation. The corrupting power of money, and English complacency and acquiescence, are additional major themes. Finally, they all confront the question of human responsibility and its relationship to the individual and to society. Ultimately, they offer us an unmerciful look at the worst of human nature and a liberating vision of the good we are capable of achieving. 相似文献