Optimists and skeptics: Why do people believe in the value of their single vote?

We investigate the origins of voters' beliefs about the value of their single vote. We construe such beliefs as a function of psychological predispositions and exposure to information about the competitiveness of the electoral race. We test this theoretical model using data from the 2008 Canadian federal election and a new survey question tapping voters' beliefs about whether their vote can make a difference. Our results show that sense of efficacy has a strong effect, efficacious voters being more prone to optimism. Competitiveness of the race also matters, but only among attentive voters.     

论民族认同理论及其融入高校思想政治理论课的思考

全球化和多元化的时代趋势使人们的国家民族意识受到严重冲击和挑战,民族认同理论作为解决问题的对策被纳入研究者的视野并引起多个学科领域的广泛关注。民族认同的概念非由民族、认同两概念的简单组合,但同两者的内涵、外延有着密切关联;民族、认同两概念的双重属性能推导出民族认同的双重属性。民族认同具有重要的理论意义和实践价值,在理论上拓展和创新了爱国主义,在实践中有利于民族问题的解决和各民族共生共荣。民族认同理论通过课理论内容的契合和教学实践的渗透实现与高校思想政治理论课的融入。     

新的社会阶层政治参与研究综述

新的社会阶层政治参与是统战理论研究的重点,其理论研究主要集中在政治参与的历史脉络、政治参与的方式与途径、政治参与动机与取向、政治参与与政治稳定的关系等方面。本文在文献回顾的基础上,对新的社会阶层政治参与研究做了相关的评述。既往的研究缺乏政治参与影响因素的详细分析,也缺乏政治参与意识的分析,更未将政治参与的责任意识划分研究。     

全球化、国家意识与政治安全

在全球化的时代背景下维系政治安全,必须在深刻反思全球化浪潮挑战的基础上,致力于强化公民的民族认同、国家意识,培育符合时代要求的爱国主义精神,使其自觉形成对中华民族传统文化特性和社会主义民主政治的强烈认同感,心系祖国、国家安全、国家利益至上的高度的责任感,实现中华民族伟大复兴的无畏的使命感,以及关心全球事务、构建和谐世界的博大的崇高感。为此我们要辨明全球普世话语,超越民族主义,民族教育和公民教育同步推进,打造宽领域、多层次的广泛的爱国主义教育体系。     

中国民主政团同盟从成立到改组的历史验证

中国民主政团同盟是抗战时期一些中间党派为团结抗日形成的政党联盟组织。它最初是政党首脑的松散联盟,后来发展为党派联盟,最后改组为中国民主同盟。国共两党对该组织采取的不同政策是促其最后解体的重要原因,但根本原因还在于它复杂的内部矛盾和斗争。该组织发展的历史轨迹显示了,民盟各派别虽不同程度上都有抗日和民主要求,但在国共两党的激烈斗争和影响下,必然因阶级属性的不同而走上不同的发展道路。     

Political stability,transition and conflict: Tajikistan compared with Georgia

Tajikistan and Georgia, in Central Asia and the South Caucasus respectively, are both small Soviet successor states with a recent history of political volatility and instability until the mid-2000s. Nevertheless, these independent countries have eventually developed diverging policies, notably with regard to their political alliances and world orientations. The Tajikistani Civil War resembles in many ways that of the Chechen conflict and also helps us understand the Syrian conflict. Similar to Georgia, Tajikistan had experienced the collapse of state institutions more intensely than other Soviet republics. Although contingent and actor-driven factors may have influenced the outcome, the influence of structural factors has been far greater than those agency-driven factors. This review article discusses, and tries to offer understanding and explanations for, political stability, transition and conflict in these two countries.     

中国特色政党制度与国家软实力建设研究．

在当前全球化浪潮、信息革命和网络时代的大潮下，软实力建设受到越来越多国家的重视，中国特色政党制度不仅蕴涵着巨大的软实力潜力和优势，是国家软实力的重要组成部分，而且对国家软实力的建设具有重要意义。新世纪新阶段面对世情、国情、党情的深刻变化，我们只有继续坚持和完善中国特色政党制度，才能保持社会稳定和发展，增强国家软实力。     

高校“中国近现代史纲要”课程教学设计研究的若干思考

加强思想政治理论课教学设计研究是转变教学思路,改进教学策略与方法,从整体上提高思政课教学实效性的重要手段.“中国近现代史纲要”课也要从增强教学实效性入手,加强课程教学设计研究,并在教学目标、教学重点难点、教学方法和教学过程设计等方面抓好着力点.     

The use of ‘privileges’ in political discourse in the early modern Low Countries

This article examines why the privileges occupied such a prominent place in Dutch rebel propaganda from the 1560s. It then considers whether these continued to be so highly regarded after the United Provinces gave up the search for a princely overlord to succeed Philip II in the late 1580s. It concludes by suggesting that with the emergence of provincial sovereignty, the privileges gradually lost their significance as one of the bastions of Dutch freedom.     

Emergence of a Dominant Party System After Multipartyism: Theoretical Implications from the Case of the AKP in Turkey

This study aims to provide insights into how and why a dominant party system emerges after an era of multipartyism. Conceptualising the emergence phase of a dominant party system within the framework of Sartori's ‘predominant party system’, it elaborates the causal weight of different theories within the Turkish context through a comparative-historical analysis. Comparing the case of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) with the Justice Party (AP), it argues that perceptions of an incumbent's good economic performance and lack of centrifugal intra-party conflicts are two crucial factors that lead to the emergence of a dominant party system after multipartyism. Restrictive electoral rules and existing social cleavages, however, create a favourable setting for this outcome.