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901.
This article explores the strength and causal determinants of ideological thinking within Swiss local political parties. The concept of “ideologization” refers to (1): “horizontal couplings”, as they are manifested in intercorrelations between different opinions, and to (2) “vertical couplings” of specific opinions to abstract concepts of “left” and “right”. Results show high ideologization on the left‐center section of the LR‐scale, especially in the vertical dimension. On both sides of the spectrum, ideological constraints are significantly higher in larger communities than in than in smaller ones. Only in rather small communities, does ideologization correlate positively with the educational level, the modern occupational background of party members and the number of other local parties with which they have to compete. In communities of given size, ideological thinking is more pronounced when parties possess a small share of political power. Finally, it is found that ideological constraints have increased somewhat between 1989 and 2002.  相似文献   
902.
The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.  相似文献   
903.
在新时期,探索和构建高校学生社会实践全员化的育人模式,对于增强实践育人效果,进一步加强和改进大学生思想政治教育十分必要。高校学生社会实践对广大高校学生坚定理想信念、提升责任意识、增强就业能力、完善个人素质等方面具有较强的育人功能。当前,高校学生社会实践育人模式已不适应时代发展需要。因此,建立高校学生社会实践全员化育人模式必须通过树立高校学生社会实践全员化的工作理念、建立高校学生社会实践全员化的工作机制、营造高校学生社会实践全员化的社会氛围等来实现。  相似文献   
904.
赖和素有“台湾新文学之父”、“台湾的鲁迅”之称。战后台湾,赖和难脱文化政治思潮的羁绊。50至80年代赖和“入祀”忠烈祠、“被驱逐”与“重新入祀”忠烈祠的荣辱兴衰,解严后赖和作为象征符号被卷入国族建构的历史际遇,都源自赖和文学与思想的左翼、民族意识与台湾乡土情怀的各自解读。本论文拟从赖和接受史论述战后台湾政治文化思潮对知识者“形象建构”之影响。  相似文献   
905.
两岸关系和平发展制度化面临的核心障碍是:是否认同“两岸同属一个中国”,以及如何设计两岸都能接受的“一中”法律架构和中央政权架构,而台湾当局的政治地位及两岸关系定位则是争论的焦点所在。两岸在“国号”上的分歧并未改变“两岸同属于一个中国”、“中国的主权以及人民和领土完整并未分裂”的事实,只是中国内战未能彻底结束,导致了“一个中国内两个敌对政权阶段性并存”的格局。笔者认为,在两岸均以谋求国家和平统一为目标的前提下,似可默认在国家统一前双方政权互不隶属,两岸任何一方都不强求对方接受自己作为国内法意义上代表全中国的中央政府,并在国际社会共同维护“一个中国”。未来两岸“统一”的法律目标是:本着相互宽容和谅解的精神,通过平等协商,制定或认可两岸均能接受的、在全中国范围内具有最高法律效力的宪法或宪法性法律,组成能有效管治全中国的中央政府。  相似文献   
906.
Inclusiveness in economic development has lately emerged as a critical factor for development. This paper adopts an analytical concept of inclusive growth to evaluate East Asia’s economic success. It contests the Western conceptualization of the critical role of public participation in development, and argues that it has played a limited role in terms of inclusive growth in East Asia. Several factors have influenced the outcome of research in this area including the choice of methodology adopted, the challenge of defining and measuring inclusive growth, and the unclear mode and impact of public participation in the process.  相似文献   
907.
Assessing the socio-political trends as they unfold is an art, and it needs to be approached from various angles. Bevir’s anti-foundationalist approach hinges upon the belief (not fact) that governance and networks have replaced government and hierarchies. His analysis is constructed around several strawmen (expert civil servants, street-level bureaucrats, judges, Keynesians, social welfare officials, and the wicked, modernist social sciences) rather than based in careful and balanced empirical evidence. To ‘cherry-pick’ some non-representative cases in support of an ideological perspective is academically unsatisfying.  相似文献   
908.
Women across geographical and temporal locations have faced similar experiences in conflict and post-conflict situations due to broad conceptualisations of gender and its perceived implications, which play out within all conflict dynamics. This article draws on case studies from the work of WOMANKIND Worldwide, a UK-based international women’s human rights and development organisation, to outline the challenges faced by and innovative strategies used by women’s organisations internationally to ensure their participation, voice and rights and the role of the women’s movement in uniting disparate groups and individuals. It recognises that women are not a homogenous group and that their experiences differ widely across geographical and temporal locations. To guard against biological foundationalism and to ensure a comprehensive approach to peace-building, both a human-rights approach and a gender analysis are therefore required. Only then will sufficient voice, resources, participation, services, support, reparations, documentation and respect for human rights be ensured—both for women and men.
Kathryn LockettEmail:
  相似文献   
909.
Hiroshi Kaihara 《East Asia》2008,25(4):389-405
For five years of his premiership, Jun’ichiro Koizumi bravely fought against politicians, bureaucrats, and interest groups to promote his structural economic reform. Fortunately, by the time he retired, Japanese economy got out of the depression. But the tide changed. In the July 2007 Upper House elections, the public was opposed to structural reform that Koizumi and Abe had advocated. Now it is not clear where Japanese political economy is likely to go. This paper will take a long-term view on the evolution of Japan’s political economy, and try to understand Jun’ichiro Koizumi’s structural reform in that long-term context.
Hiroshi KaiharaEmail:

Hiroshi Kaihara   graduated from the City University of New York with a Ph.D. in Political Science. Publication: “The Advent of a New Japanese Politics: Effects of the 1994 Revision of Electoral Law”, Asian Survey 47: 5 (September/October 2007).  相似文献   
910.
行政改革曾经是卢武铉政府执政伊始即推出的众多雄心勃勃的施政目标之一。早在2003年2月25日的总统就职演说中,卢武铉即提出了建立"参与式政府"的愿望,为此新政府将严格奉行"原则与信任、公正与透明、对话与妥协、分权和自律"四大原则进行施政。为了将"参与式政府"的愿景转化为现实,卢武铉政府设立了五大行政改革目标,即效率的行政、服务的行政、透明的行政、清廉的行政和参与的行政。构筑参与式政府实质是卢武铉政府在新世纪初通过对国内政治、经济、社会环境的通盘考量,将民众要求完善民主、参与国家政治、获得更多优质公共服务的要求与政府提高自身能力、增强国家综合实力的目标相结合的一次创新尝试。  相似文献   
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