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81.
82.
Lee Artz 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(8):1388-1405
AbstractOne key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice. 相似文献
83.
Fabio Scarpello 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(2):122-141
ABSTRACT Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister, Susi Pudjiastuti, has become a political superstar on the back of the media attention gained with her tough stance in fighting illegal fishing since 2014. But, beyond the headlines, little is known of the political struggles unleashed by her approach, on how her policies have affected the political economy of the industry, and on whether her reforms are sustainable. Drawing on over 30 in-depth interviews, this article fills the gap. The picture that emerges is complex and fluid: the minister has made progress in limiting the reach of the foreign-led fisheries mafia, but achieved limited success in convincing Indonesians to invest in the industry or in building a constituency to support her drive. Through the lens of the political economy of the fisheries, this article also offers a window into how politics is contested in increasingly ‘populist’ Indonesia. 相似文献
84.
ABSTRACT Brand hate is defined as a severe dislike for a product or service by the consumer. Although brand hate has been recognized as a critical element, in the political market, there is a lack of understanding of the impact of brand hate on voters. This study is an attempt to examine the antecedents and consequences of brand hate in the political market. The study reveals that unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility of electorates have a significant positive impact on brand hate intensity. The result shows that political product involvement significantly mediates the relationship between unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility and brand hate intensity. The study further reveals that as an outcome of political brand hate, electorates put emphasis on either brand avoidance and/or brand extremism. The outcome of this study may help political parties gain knowledge about the impact of political brand hate. 相似文献
85.
Alexander Katsaitis 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(5):1342-1351
Do business groups donate to the European Union's (EU) political parties? Does the party's ideology influence the donations it receives? Since 2008, the EU's political parties can receive financial contributions from private actors. This paper systematically maps and analyses the entire population of donations given to EU political parties from 2008 to 2015. The results show that business interests follow a selective strategy targeting with their donations right-wing parties; with Eurosceptic parties performing better than pro-integration parties. Conceptually, this study provides a hard resource for conceptualizing EU lobbying beyond information-access models, and potentially opens a path for comparatives with the US literature. Furthermore, it reveals that some parties have moved away from the public utility paradigm, raising question over donations impact on EU politics and policy-making. Empirically, it provides a unique image of interest group donations to EU parties over time. 相似文献
86.
汪勇 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2024,(4):9-18
习近平总书记关于工人阶级和工会工作的重要论述,为新时代新征程我国的工运事业和工会工 作提供了根本遵循,也对将工运事业和工会工作作为研究对象的工会学学科建设提出了时代要求。建设工会学 一级学科直接关系到工运事业、工会工作的高质量发展和中国特色哲学社会科学体系的构建,是组织动员亿万 职工为强国建设、民族复兴伟业贡献力量的战略需求。中国共产党领导下的百年工运史、长期以来的工会学人 才培养和理论研究积淀以及丰富多彩的工会工作实践,为工会学一级学科的设置提供了历史积淀、学术积累与 实践基础,也决定了工会学区别于其他学科的独特气质。建设好工会学一级学科,要从学科定位、学科交叉、 学科体系等方面完善学科顶层设计。可将工会学一级学科置于法学门类进行建设,不断推动其与社会学、政治学、 法学、经济学、马克思主义理论等学科的交叉融合,并遵循科学性、逻辑性和可持续性的建设原则,构建由理 论工会学、劳动科学与技术、应用工会学和劳动教育等四个二级学科构成的学科体系。行业高校是特色学科建 设的主体,特色学科建设的提质升级也将引领行业院校的高质量发展。 相似文献
87.
郭宇强 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2024,(1):29-38
雇农工会是中国革命中的一个极为重要的组织现象,是中共在马克思主义指导下结合中国实际进行的一次伟大革命实践。雇农工会经历了理论准备与实践探索、初步建立与缓慢发展、快速发展与消亡等历史时期。雇农工会的发展是多种因素综合作用的结果,在其发展过程中,构建了工会的三维合法性基础,即意识形态合法性、组织形态合法性和革命行动合法性。雇农工会工作与城市工会工作共同构成中共领导下工会工作的“一体两面”,统一于中国革命的历史进程,为中共执掌全国政权奠定了治理基础,同时也为当前背景下加强党的领导、推进工会工作提供了历史启示。 相似文献
88.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
89.
调查显示 ,党政工团齐抓共管是开展企业职工教育的成功做法 ;多层次、多渠道、多类型的企业职工教育形式已被越来越多的职工群众所接受。针对目前企业职工教育存在的问题 ,工会要以江泽民同志“三个代表”为指导 ,以我国加入WTO为契机 ,以实施“知识工程”为突破口 ,以加快工人阶级知识化进程为目标 ,培养造就一支“四有”职工队伍。 相似文献
90.
陈迪 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2006,(2):35-37
欧洲迎来了历史上前所未有的和平统一的机会,欧元的成功已进一步地把欧洲的经济融合到一起。政治上,欧盟宪法的起草也给人们以巨大的希望,人们希望看到一个统一、和平的欧洲出现。但在2005年,法国和荷兰先后在全民公决中,否定了《欧盟宪法》,这给欧洲统一的进程蒙上了阴影。本文尝试分析此次危机出现的原因,并进一步探讨危机出现可能带来的影响,以及预测今后欧洲一体化的前景。 相似文献