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981.
Stipica Grgić 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(3):458-470
This paper questions the effects of the state- and nation-building that occurred in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the 6 January Dictatorship (1929–1935) and points to the importance of symbols during this process. By using an ethno-symbolist approach and extending it to “banal nationalism,” the article analyzes some of the most prominent and influential symbols from within an everyday environment. Using the Croatian ethnic space as a framework, the article traces the population’s attitudes toward the Yugoslav national flag and representations of King Alexander – two of the most forced symbols in the centralized Yugoslav one state and one nation concept of nation-building. The regime possessed all the mechanisms of power necessary to impose these symbols, though most Croats clearly felt no connection to them. Despite severe penalties, they opposed the regime’s plans for national reconstruction of the country by displaying Croatian flags and various symbolic representations of Stjepan Radi? – as a martyr of the Croatian nation. By linking this problem to specific studies that deal with the development of nationalism, this paper outlines the struggle between Yugoslavism and Croatianism through acceptance and resistance toward the Yugoslav symbolism. 相似文献
982.
David P. Auerswald 《West European politics》2017,40(1):42-61
AbstractLegislatures in separation of powers systems like the US are often portrayed as having far greater capabilities and willingness to change defence policy than are parliaments in Westminster systems. This paper uses principal?agent models and hypotheses on legislative will to review the role of defence committees in the US Congress and Britain’s parliament during each country’s most recent, significant change in civil?military relations. Congressional committees drafted the 1986 Goldwater?Nichols Act over the objections of the president, fundamentally changing US civil?military relations. We would expect the British House of Commons to be at the opposite end of the spectrum, unable and unwilling to act without the prime minister’s blessing. At first glance, this is indeed what happened during Britain’s 2011 Defence Reform effort. Parliament took no concrete, independent action. A closer examination, however, suggests that parliamentary committees helped set the agenda for the 2011 reforms. These results point to the need to carefully assess both legislative capabilities and will when examining the role of legislatures in foreign policy, as well as the indirect means by which parliaments affect security policy. 相似文献
983.
984.
蔡竞 《四川行政学院学报》2000,(2)
生态环境建设是实现可持续发展的关键。本文围绕推进生态环境保护和建设这一主题,论述了我省实施天然林资源保护工程的客观必要性,提出了退耕还林、还草,实施长期、系统生态环境保护和建设的有效措施。 相似文献
985.
简论全国人大及其常委会的表决制度 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
本文对表决原则、方式、法定人数、计算基准等我国现行的全国人大及其常委会的表决制度进行了分析 ,提出了一些学术上的个人见解。 相似文献
986.
较大的市制定的地方性法规应当经批准 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
立法法第 6 3条是立法法的重要内容之一 ,其依据宪法确立的我国省、市立法权限和体制 ,是对我国地方立法实践的科学总结。认真贯彻实施这条规定的新精神 ,对进一步加强立法工作 ,提高立法质量 ,实现到 2 0 10年形成有中国特色社会主义法律体系的目标 ,必将产生积极、深远的影响。 相似文献
987.
刑法第397条规定的罪名应为四个 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
本文认为 ,我国刑法第 397条规定的罪名应为四个 ,而不是二个或三个 ,从理论上澄清这一问题 ,有利于改变目前有关司法解释的分歧后致司法实践上的消极影响的现状。 相似文献
988.
在世界经济一体化的趋势下、亚太和东北亚地区的区域化及全球化日益受到重视。但由于东北亚地区在政治、经济、文化、民族等方面存在巨大差异、该地区的区域化受到制约。目前在该地区的合作可以划分为3个层次:第一层次是太平洋区域国家在政府之间进行的经济合作;第二层次是建立在多边贸易、直接投资和小集团水平上的各种形式的伙伴关系基础之上的合作:第三层次是建立在区域内部经济中心基础之上的合作。 相似文献
989.
Lynda Hart 《Women & Performance》2013,23(1):61-88
This article explores the dynamics of Richard Move's drag performance of the late Martha Graham. Drag dance is remarkably self-aware as historiography, and it employs a rhetoric of bodies becoming other bodies: channeling, paying homage, re-embodying, reliving, being possessed. This article argues that drag dance has a historical project for dance history; specifically, that drag bodies can become a new medium through which aesthetic/kinetic histories are transmitted. In the case of Richard Move, the exaggeration and excess of the ageing Martha Graham become modalities that align with the ‘wrongness’ of his body. This is drag dance as a strategy of re-embodiment after the original body has been lost, and Richard Move presents his performance as a ‘haunting,’ much like the feeling Martha Graham describes as the result of a dancer's “first death,” when she watches someone else dance a role she had originated. Ballets like Graham's Lamentation and Cave of the Heart give Move the opportunity to portray Graham's struggle to continue to dance after this “first death,” using drag as a strategy to show up the eerie perfection of voice against the hollowness of the ageing dancer's body. Combining vaudeville and séance, moving from the restless gay “underworld” of the Meatpacking District to the right to presume himself the heir to the mother of modern dance, Richard Move first embodies and then moves beyond Susan Sontag's camp “etc etc” of Graham's self-performance. 相似文献
990.
Annette Henninger Christine Wimbauer Rosine Dombrowski 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2008,18(1):99-128
Focusing on gender and social inequalities, we analyse two current reforms in German family policy: the 2007 parental leave reform and the discussion on a reform of the joint taxation of married couples. These reforms lead to changes in policy instruments and objectives that are not adequately described by the thesis of a change towards an adult worker model. Rather, so our first argument, the reforms lead to a thoroughgoing change of the interplay between (de-)familialization and (de-)commodification, as they not only put a stronger focus on labour market activation, but also try to increase birth rates via financial incentives. However, both reform projects mainly provide incentives for higher labour market participation and birth rates among highly qualified women, which means an important shift away from the objective of redistribution that has been an important impetus for German familiy policy so far. This development has severe consequences for social inequalities, as it promises an ?exclusive emancipation“ for highly qualified women only. 相似文献