硒对汞致雏鸡肝功能损伤的拮抗作用

选用健康伊沙褐雏鸡250只,分为对照组、汞中毒组、3个水平的硒保护组,研究汞对血清中门冬氨酸氨基转移酶(AST)、丙氨酸氨基转移酶(ALT)、碱性磷酸酶(ALP)、肝组织中谷胱甘肽过氧化物酶(GSH-Px)活性和丙二醛(MDA)含量的影响以及硒与汞之间的相互作用效应.试验结果表明,汞可使血清中AST、ALT、ALP活性显著升高(P＜0.01),使肝组织中GSH-Px活性降低(P＜0.01),引发肝组织脂质过氧化,致使肝组织中MDA含量显著增高(P＜0.01),且有时间-效应关系;硒可使血清中AST、ALT、ALP活性显著降低(P＜0.01),使肝组织中GSH-Px活性显著升高(P＜0.01),阻止肝组织脂质过氧化,致使肝组织中MDA含量显著降低(P＜0.01),且有时间-效应关系.从而说明汞中毒损伤肝功能;硒对汞致肝功能的损伤具有拮抗作用.     

明皇朝的覆没与中国社会政治治理模式碎裂——中国选择社会主义道路的历史辨析

中国从1840年鸦片战争失败后,逐步跌入半封建半殖民地的深渊.历史地看,近代以来中国之所以被西欧社会发展迅速拉开距离,实是明皇朝276年统治所造成的.两败俱伤的中国社会政治治理模式,使得明皇朝成为历朝历代最腐朽,阻碍中国社会发展最严重的封建皇朝.明皇朝的覆没,以及李自成建立的大顺朝如流星般地消逝,表明中国社会政治治理模式碎裂.中国走向现代化,必然要转换社会政治治理模式.17世纪中期至20世纪中期的三个世纪,经过艰难曲折的探索,中国终于接受马克思主义,完成新民主主义革命,走上社会主义发展道路,实现社会转型.历史表明：社会主义是中华文明发展的自我选择,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路.     

欧洲国家人类辅助生殖的法律规制

欧洲所有国家都有关于规范辅助生殖的全面立法计划。欧洲国家的立法机构在调整辅助生殖的过程中在个人生育权与负责任的生殖实践和养育子女有关的信念之间寻求平衡。欧洲关于辅助生殖的立法分为宽容型、谨慎型和禁止型。意大利和西班牙作为具有天主教悠久历史的两个国家,在调整辅助生殖立法方面走上了两个截然相反的道路。医师团体、女权主义者、堕胎问题对于欧洲国家辅助生殖立法进程起到了重要作用。     

Forecasting the 2015 British general election: The Seats-Votes model

This paper applies the Seats-Votes Model to the task of forecasting the outcome of the 2015 election in Britain in terms of the seats won by the three major parties. The model derives originally from the ‘Law of Cubic Proportions’ the first formal statistical election forecasting model to be developed in Britain. It is an aggregate model which utilises the seats won by the major parties in the previous general election together with vote intentions six months prior to the general election to forecast seats. The model was reasonably successful in forecasting the 2005 and 2010 general elections, but has to be modified to take into account the ‘regime shift’ which occurred when the Liberal Democrats went into coalition with the Conservatives in 2010.     

The association between Ugandan adolescents’ viewing of specific television genres and sex-related normative beliefs and behaviours

Growing evidence in Western nations indicates that exposure to high levels of sexual media content influences adolescents’ sexual attitudes and behaviours in those countries. Although media in many sub-Saharan markets contain increasingly higher levels of sexual content, little research has investigated the effects of that content on adolescents’ HIV-related risk and protective behaviours. This project used cultivation theory to examine Ugandan adolescents’ media use, and to test the relationship between their exposure to specific television genres and their sex-related normative beliefs and behaviours. Three hundred and sixty secondary school students from four purposively sampled schools filled out a questionnaire about their television viewing, their beliefs about the prevalence of sexual intercourse among their peers, and their own sexual behaviours. Preliminary evidence of relationships between watching comedy and cartoon programming, and high estimates of the proportion of adolescents who engage in sexual intercourse, were observed. Watching comedy programming and non- African programming was associated with the higher likelihood to have ever had sexual intercourse.     

美式新旧双边投资协定范本比较研究

2012年4月20日,美国奥巴马政府发布了新式美国BIT范本。该新范本以2004范本为基础进行了一定的修缮。对此,美国各界褒贬不一。总体而言,新范本与旧范本有所差别,但差别不大。修订后的新范本将会成为美国缔结新BITs的模板,为此,研究新范本中的相关修订,理解其修订的个中原委及其意欲取得的效果,对于预测BITs谈判的新动向和大国间BIT谈判具有重要的意义。     

The Symbolic Advantages and Brand Symbolic Models of Zhejiang Enterprises——from the Perspective of Brand Semiotics

As the major business group of China, Zhejiang Enterprises have undergone a marked promotion from tangible products advantages to intangible brand value. The brand resources have become the significant cultural asset for transformation and upgrading. Based on combing the symbolic advantages of Zhejiang Enterprises, this paper studies the symbolic connotation of Zhejiang Enterprises brand in different stages after the reform and opening from the brand semiotic theoretical view. The paper establishes four brand models: A, GB, DB and IB, which will be the important theoretical references for Zhejiang Enterprises in the development of cultural industry, improving the brand symbolic vitality and participating in the competition of the world brands.     

论先进典型宣传的时代困境与应对

典型宣传作为我党政治工作中一道独特的实践图景承载着巨大的时代意涵,一方面它是引领人民群众发展进步的"助推器"与"方向盘",另一方面则是展现正面形象与弘扬社会主旋律的"重要窗口"。在多元价值并存的时代,典型宣传面临着巨大的冲击与挑战,其中既有社会大环境影响,更有宣传主体自身的原因。因此,维护典型人物的严肃性与可信性,提升宣传内容的可读性与生动性,关注受众群体的心理感受和加强不同媒体间的通力合作是提升先进典型宣传效果的实践路径。     

Why bother campaigning? Campaign effectiveness in the 2009 European Parliament elections

This paper explores the effectiveness of European Parliament candidates' campaigns. We analyze the relationship between candidates' spending and their likelihood of success, controlling for a range of relevant co-varying factors. We then investigate whether the effects of electoral spending are conditioned by two variables: ballot design and incumbency. We find that, ceteris paribus, spending was positively related to a candidate's likelihood of electoral success in the 2009 campaign, though this effect is small in scale. We also reveal that the electorally positive effects of spending are observable across both 'party-centered' and ‘candidate-centered’ ballot structures, and that there is some evidence that incumbent spending is less effective than challenger spending.     

Individual level dynamics of PTV change across the electoral cycle

Propensity-to-vote (PTV) scores are ever more commonly used in electoral research as a measure of electoral utilities. Yet a growing literature employs them as dependent variable in the voting equation in place of the lower information granted by vote recall questions. However, this choice can be seen as problematic because of the very structure of election survey research. To the extent that voters' PTVs are measured in post-election surveys (as it is often the case) these are likely to result endogenously produced by actual voting behavior in the past election – thus partly undermining the validity of the PTV question which, ideally, should not be related to any specific election. In this paper, we try to disentangle the relationship between short-term political attitudes (leader evaluations, issue proximity, economic assessments) and voters' changing patterns of propensities to vote in both an electoral and a non-electoral context. The latter scenario serves as a means to rule out the potentially contaminating effect of voting choices on voters' PTVs. The data comes from two panel surveys of Italian voters conducted by ITANES in occasion of the 2006 general election, and in 2011 (that is, in a non-electoral year) respectively.