关于成人高等职业教育专业建设的几点思考

随着经济社会的快速发展和产业结构的调整,成人高等职业教育需要进一步深入改革。强化专业定制、研究建立双证融通机制、探索构建双证课程体系,是成人高等职业教育深入改革的重要内容。     

England's New Scheme for Funding Higher Education through Student Fees: ‘Fair and Progressive’?

From September 2012 most home undergraduates at English universities are being charged fees of £9,000 per annum. These are funded by a government loan, which attracts interest from the moment they start their course; after three years their accumulated debt exceeds £30,000. They can also borrow to cover their living costs, on the same terms, so that those studying in London can graduate with a debt of more than £50,000—although those from low‐income families can obtain grants and universities are encouraged to provide bursaries and other support to students from underrepresented groups. Graduates start repaying their debts once their annual income exceeds £21,000—at a rate of 9% of the difference between their income and that figure: until the debt is fully repaid it continues to attract interest, by as much as three percentage points above the current inflation rate. Using data from a calculator on a government website, this paper shows that the highest‐paid graduates pay back less than those on middle incomes: the ‘squeezed middle’ pays back more not only than those on low incomes but also the better‐paid and those whose incomes increase more rapidly. This has differential effects according to occupation—and sex; and middle‐income groups also contribute more to the costs of widening participation programmes, which all universities charging more than £6,000 per annum are required to fund.     

欧洲债务危机对欧盟政治的影响

当前,欧债危机愈演愈烈且成蔓延、发酵之势,给欧盟及欧洲一体化事业带来诸多困难与挑战。它对欧盟政治的影响是长远的,且具有战略性和全局性。欧债危机迫使欧盟强化政治合作与政策协调,采取一系列蕴含深刻政治含义的改革,加强经济治理和行业监督,以进一步推进经济领域的高度一体化;它导致欧盟内部各政治力量新的分化、调整和组合,迫使法国和德国联合起来应对经济失衡,继续担当欧洲一体化的"火车头"、"发动机";它扩大了欧元区集团与非欧元区成员国间的裂痕,促使双方重新评估和调整相关政策,为今后集体实现单一货币奠定基础。历史地看,欧洲一体化事业总是在危机中不断前进的。此次欧债危机虽然给欧盟造成了许多困扰,但如果应对妥当,它将会以政治联盟建设的新突破为欧洲一体化注入新的强劲动力。     

构建我国的电子政府

“构建电子政府”伴随信息社会的到来而越发迫切 ,——建立一个电子化的虚拟机关 ,从而打破传统行政机关的组织藩篱。中国电子政府的实现 ,并非简单地引入和应用现代信息技术 ,而要涉及诸多方面的变革。     

从中国软力量到东亚软力量

伴随着地区主义运动的不断演进,以非军事对峙和非暴力为基础、强调文化和政策吸引力的软力量开始在地区国际关系中发挥日益突出的作用,软力量的运用也推进了地区主义向纵深发展。国家在地区主义中的软力量可以分为四种表现形式:文化吸引力、政策感召力、地区创制力和地区公信力。中国在东亚地区主义进程中上升的软力量成为促进东亚融合的新动力。同时,地区价值观的塑造、地区参与度和地区主义构想的形成,都影响着地区制度化水平和整个地区在国际事务中的角色和地位。培育东亚作为一个独立地区实体的软力量应当成为中国亚洲政策的一个重要组成部分。     

ABO位点限制性扩增片段长度多态性的研究

建立了PCR扩增、限制性酶切、8％（T）、5％（C）聚丙烯酸胺凝胶垂直电泳和银染检测ABO位点的限制性片段长度多态性的方法体系。应用Amp-RFLP技术对185名中国人（哈尔滨）ABO位点的基因频率和基因型分布进行了调查和统计分析。ABO位点特异片段长度为140～200bp，基因频率为0．2000～0．5568。6种基因型频率为0．973～0．3135，杂合度0．5838，Dp值0．7146。经H－W平衡吻合度检测，完全符合群体遗传多态分布。通过对11个家庭33名相关个体的分析，证明完全符合孟德尔遗传定律。ABO基因型检验适用于法庭科学的个体识别和亲权鉴定。     

西北和西南五省(区)部分地区黄牛 牦牛牛病毒性腹泻/粘膜病血清学监测

从陕西、甘肃、宁夏、青海和四川五省（区）部分地区的黄牛群、牦牛群采集血清,用细胞中和试验检测牛病毒性腹泻／粘膜病（ＢＶＤ／ＭＤ）抗体,结果黄牛群ＢＶＤ／ＭＤ阳性检出率为４６．１５％,其中宁夏黄牛群的感染率最高（５５．９５％）,其次为甘肃（４１．４８％）和陕西（４０．６０％）;牦牛群ＢＶＤ／ＭＤ的阳性检出率为３０．０８％,其中四川牦牛群感染率最高（３８．４６％）,其次为甘肃（２９．４１％）和青海（２８．００％）。     

RACIAL ANIMOSITY AND INTERRACIAL CRIME*

The primary objective of this study is to determine the effect of a victim's race on the likelihood of him or her being seriously injured during the commission of an interracial crime. We also assess the probability of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. A multilevel city analysis shows that black offenders are no more apt than white offenders to injure their victims seriously during an interracial robbery or rape. A black offender also does not have a greater proclivity to kill his or her victim during the commission of an interracial crime. Some evidence suggests that white victims are more likely than black victims to suffer serious physical harm during an aggravated assault. Results also reveal that contextual factors related to racial animosity, such as residential segregation, white‐to‐black economic inequality, and black‐to‐white unemployment, fail to have any moderating effect on either the severity of victim injury or the likelihood of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. Overall, the results generated in this study tend to cast doubt on the validity of racial animosity theory. Our findings also lead us to question the veracity of the oftenmade claim that black‐on‐white crimes are punished more severely because these types of offenses are somehow more heinous in circumstance. At least in regard to serious victim injury and victim death, black‐on‐white crime is no more violent than white‐on‐black crime.     

Troubling frames: Zapiro’s iconography on Oscar Pistorius as traumics

ABSTRACT

This study aims to examine the comics form in relation to its representation of perpetrator trauma. Specifically, the study considers a selection of Jonathan Shapiro’s iconography on Oscar Pistorius as biograph(y)ics, since the artist ‘commixes’ Pistorius’s life from his rise to athletic fame – through the court trials for his alleged murder of Reeva Steenkamp on 14 February 2013 – to his conviction followed by a thirteen-year jail sentence on 24th November 2017. In my reading of the panels, I draw on Hilary Chute’s notion of the ethics of testimony in illustrative art and Jacques Derrida’s theorising on hauntology and the revenant to argue that wrongdoers can also experience their crimes as trauma. This critical engagement enables me to read Shapiro’s panels as not merely reinforcing dominant interpretations of the fallen hero, but also as a means by which the cartoonist destabilises and reconfigures socially accepted notions of the villain.     

What Mr. Spock told the earthlings: the aims of political philosophy,action-guidingness and fact-dependency

Abstract

Recently, G. A. Cohen introduced an influential distinction between fact-sensitive and fact-insensitive principles arguing that all basic normative principles are of the latter type. David Miller rejects this claim submitting that the validity of basic normative political principles depends on some general propositions about human nature and societies; for example, that men’s generosity is ‘confined’ and that nature has made ‘scanty provision’ for his wants. Miller ties this view of the nature of basic political principles to the view that political philosophy ought to guide people engaged in real-world politics and claims plausibly that in order to fulfil this purpose, political philosophy must be informed by social science. I argue that Miller neither succeeds in showing that basic principles can be fact-sensitive, nor establishes any connection between the Cohen-Miller disagreement on fact-sensitivity, on the one hand, and the nature and aims of political philosophy, on the other hand.