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91.
经济全球化是超越国界的经济活动,它使得世界各国的整体性日趋凸显.随着这一趋势对中国影响日深,高校的相关专业也应注重培养能够熟练掌握多门外语的人才.作为中俄边境大省,黑龙江省高校的俄语专业在应对这一经济发展趋势时,应大力加强第二外语教学.具体做法是:注重分类教学、选择适当教材、加强师资配备、明确学习目标、重视心理教育、注重比较教学、创建语言环境.  相似文献   
92.
俄罗斯新旧《法典》非法证据排除规则比较与启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新旧《俄罗斯联邦刑事诉讼法典》关于非法证据及其排除规则的规定存在许多差异,特别是新《法典》有了许多新的规定与发展,显示了从注重打击犯罪到保障人权与打击犯罪并重的转变,这对完善我国非法证据排除规则具有良多启示。  相似文献   
93.
This article examines the nature and scope of the legal challenges mounted against religious symbolism in European public schools. It discusses religion in education and the relationship between Church and State in European societies. The European Court is defining what counts as a religious symbol through a secular lens and while the court upholds the right to hold a religious belief it qualifies this right to manifest belief in public. This article argues that the courts should be more accommodating in their approach towards the public manifestation of religious beliefs and traditions.  相似文献   
94.
林娇 《行政与法》2008,(6):124-126
前苏联时期,私法自治这一重要的民法基本原则遭到了根本否定。而前苏联解体后,在新颁布实施的《俄罗斯联邦民法典》中,则对这一原则又给予了重新肯定,使其得以实现回归。本文拟对其私法自治原则回归的理论准备、精神内核以及回归后的司法尝试活动进行探讨,以期拓展对俄罗斯民事立法的理论认识。  相似文献   
95.
俄罗斯和中国都是复杂的国家法律组织。它们的法律体系,都包含区域性组织的立法。在俄罗斯法律体系中,不能说存在着独立的区域法律体系。但是,存在着国家法律体系的区域组成部分。而在中华人民共和国,香港和澳门这些区域(特别行政区)法律体系的存在,已经是不争的事实。  相似文献   
96.
关众 《东北亚论坛》2006,15(5):97-99
近年来,俄罗斯经济持续增长,呈现出明显的经济复苏的新气象,过度依赖自然资源的经济增长模式正在改变,吸引外资力度在不断增大,这一切对东北老工业基地的振兴产生巨大的影响。尤其是俄东部大开发和大型基础设施的建设,更是直接给东北振兴带来了新的机遇。东北地区应借助这一有利时机,发挥自身优势,确定“桥头堡”战略,把东北建设成为对俄产业链条的核心、贸易基地、经贸活动的咨询中介中心,推动东北老工业基地的振兴。  相似文献   
97.
俄罗斯民主化时代的政治腐败--再论"民主不是万应灵丹"   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
苏联解体后以叶利钦为首的民主改革派所推行的“民主化加私有化”改革,非但没有得到如民主崇拜者所料想的那种“清除政治腐败”、“倡行社会公正”和“振兴国家经济”的效果,反而使俄罗斯陷入了比苏联时期有过之无不及的政治腐败;其结果,导致黑社会组织横行无忌,社会公正被藐视和践踏,经济发展捉襟见肘,国际地位一落千丈的窘境。这种情形不啻是对“民主万能”神话的辛辣嘲讽,其原因有必要引起学术界的反思。  相似文献   
98.
The article is an expression of search for the motivational role of religiosity in individuals' civic activity. Mature civic attitude is shaped by the person's values, individual and communal needs, and experience. The main thesis of the presented study is that the relation between religiosity and human will in many points overlap with the factors which determine the citizen's activity for the benefit of the community. Stefan Huber's Centrality of Religiosity Scale emphasizing the primary importance of the motivational value of religiosity and an original scale measuring civic involvement were used in the study (N?=?732). The study proved that religiosity mostly serves as a civic involvement predictor among women from the middle age group. Although a higher level of civic involvement was found in men, religiosity did not prove to be a significant factor explaining its higher level, which means that the determinants for it need to be sought in other spheres.  相似文献   
99.
ABSTRACT

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tawahedo Church community has had a presence in the Holy Land for at least several hundred years. Throughout most of this period it was composed of a small ecclesiastical corps of monastic clergy who sought to protect the national church’s rights at various holy places in the region of Christianity’s birth. Only in the twentieth century, were these clergy joined by lay people. In this paper, I discuss the way the type of food served at church celebrations and the rhythm of fasts and feasts emphasize the shared national origins of the small diaspora. At the same time, where people sit when eating, and in what order they are served, expresses distinctions within the ranks of the clergy, between clergy and lay people, between men and women, and between Ethiopians and their former compatriots from Eritrea.  相似文献   
100.
Abstract

A conventional opinion is that Russia is trying to destroy the liberal international order. Russia indeed defies it, but also justifies its foreign policy with the liberal order’s normative frameworks and reproaches the West for not standing up to these norms. Moreover, Moscow does not present any alternative vision. Russia complains about the internal contradictions of the liberal order: sovereignty vs. intervention, pluralism vs. universality, US hegemony vs. equality and democracy, although it also exploits these contradictions. In fact Russia demands an adjustment of the liberal order rather than its eradication and should, therefore, be classified as a neorevisionist power. Two elements underlie Russia’s at times aggressive foreign policy conduct. The first one, its feeling of being ill-accommodated in the present order, predefines the direction of the policy. The second, the prioritisation of foreign policy over domestic reforms, explains the intensity of Russian discontent and its occasional aggressive manifestations. Russia’s domestic consensus regarding its foreign policy, including views on the liberal international order, facilitates this aggressiveness. Three policy conclusions can be drawn: acknowledging that Russia uses the inherent contradictions of the liberal international order opens up possibilities for dialogue and an eventual overcoming of the crisis; the survival and strengthening of the liberal order depends on its embrace of all major players, including Russia, and hence, the need for some adjustments to the order itself; and finally such adjustments presuppose Russia’s readiness to shoulder responsibility for the (reformed) liberal international order.  相似文献   
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