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171.
受英国国内福利思潮和实践的影响,英国殖民当局从19世纪末开始加强了对新加坡社会的行政干预,从自由放任向有序管理发展。针对新加坡的实际情况,殖民政府陆续出台了系列社会政策,涵盖教育、住房、卫生、社会福利、劳工、移民和人口诸方面,建立了相对完整、且具有较强稳定性和延续性的社会政策体系与社会管理机制,给人民行动党的社会治理留下了有价值的政策遗产。  相似文献   
172.
In this article, I argue that three modalities of citizenship are at play in Singapore: liberal, communal and social. Using a grounded theoretical approach, I highlight the instances in which these modes of conceptualizing citizenship appear in discourse, practice and policy. While past scholarship has highlighted the contrast between liberal and communal modes of citizenship, the social mode has been largely subsumed and obscured within the rubric of communal (or communitarian) democracy and ethno-nationalist citizenship. The article analyzes the interplay among these three modes of citizenship as they played out in the discourse surrounding the 2011 General Election in Singapore. The tension between citizens and noncitizens has become a central political issue in Singapore. Less recognized, but highlighted in my analysis, liberal and communal senses of citizenship are in tension not only with each other but also with a notion of the social based on relationships of mutual benefit and obligation rather than communal, categorical belonging. Drawing on Robert Esposito's critique of modern ideas of community and (re)theorization of communitas, I argue that in the case of Singapore and elsewhere, reintroducing a notion of the social (as distinct from the communal) holds potential for discourses, practices and policies that can transcend the divisiveness associated with communalism and the socioeconomic inequalities associated with liberalism.  相似文献   
173.
The maintenance of a “moderate mainstream” Muslim community as a bulwark against the fraying of harmonious ethnic relations has become a key governance concern post-September 11. In light of the global concern—and often paranoia—with diasporic Islam, Islamic religious institutions and civil society have been portrayed in the popular media as hotbeds of radicalism, promoters of hatred, and recruiters for a “conflict of civilization” between the Muslim world and the modern world. Having declared itself a terrorist's “iconic target,” Singapore has taken a broad-based community approach in advancing inter-religious tolerance, including a subtle initiative to include the “Muslim civil society” in advancing the understanding and the promotion of a moderate brand of Islam in Singapore. This tacit process of regulation (top-down, intra-community and inter-community), while effective, is constrained by the unique governance context in Singapore.  相似文献   
174.
重视青少年公民道德教育是新加坡社会秩序和治安环境良好的重要因素之一。新加坡通过培养青少年核心价值观、培养青少年的领导力、减少社区青少年犯罪、为社区青少年提供技能培训与注重社会实践等方式开展实务教育。这对改善我国青少年公民道德教育、创新教育途径与方法、丰富教育形式和载体、强化教育社会功能具有重要启示。  相似文献   
175.
“亚洲价值观”指引下的新加坡廉政文化建设   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孙娜 《东南亚纵横》2013,(12):19-22
“亚洲价值观”强调国家为先、家庭为根、尊重个人。在其指引下,新加坡廉政文化建设强调建设“为政以德”的领导文化、家庭在青年价值观形成中的作用和公民个人道德修养的提高。新加坡廉政建设取得显著成就,形成了廉洁的文化氛围,建立了廉洁政府,这对中国遏制腐败、加强廉政文化建设具有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
176.
This article uncovers the strongly ideological quality in Singapore's theory and practice of pragmatism. It also points to a strongly pragmatic quality in the ideological negotiations that play out within the dynamics of hegemony. In this complex relationship, the combination of ideological and pragmatic manoeuvring over the decades has resulted in the historic political dominance of the People's Action Party (PAP) government in partnership with global capital. But in an evolving, diversifying and globalising society, this manoeuvring has also engendered a number of mismatched expectations. It has also seen a greater sensitivity and attention to the inherent ideological contradictions and socio-economic inequalities that may erode what has been a relatively stable partnership between state and capital. This article argues that Singapore's one-party dominant state is the result of continuous ideological work that deploys the rhetoric of pragmatism to link the notion of Singapore's impressive success and future prospects to its ability to attract global capital. In turn, this relies on maintaining a stable political system dominated by an experienced, meritocratic and technocratic PAP government. While this Singaporean conventional wisdom has supported the political and economic interests of the state and global capital in a period of neo-liberal globalisation, its internal contradictions and external pressures have also begun to challenge its hegemonic pre-eminence.  相似文献   
177.
香港、澳门、新加坡行政主导比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
适应社会发展和高效决策的需要,行政主导已成为国际社会普遍的政治现象。由于社会条件的差异,各国各地区行政主导的类型和表现不同,绩效不一。本文对香港与澳门、香港与新加坡的行政主导作比较研究,从政治制度、政府运作、社会条件等不同角度探求了不同形式行政主导的共性与差异。  相似文献   
178.
Abstract

Despite the persistence of authoritarian forms of rule, studies of state domination have seen little need to analyse the use of force against citizens. This essay argues that, while state violence is elemental, it is not straightforward. States have a range of repressive tools at their disposal, which they need to deploy rationally and with finesse if they are to consolidate their authoritarian systems. As a step towards problematizing state violence, this essay suggests the concept of calibrated coercion, which represses challengers with minimum political cost. Calibrated coercion is illustrated through an in-depth case study of press controls in Singapore, where one of the world's most successful hegemonic parties has governed continuously for four decades. Behind the stability of the press system, the Singapore government has made fundamental changes to its modes of control, with less frequent recourse to blunter instruments such as newspaper closures or arbitrary arrest. Instead, less visible instruments are increasingly used, with the media's commercial foundations turned against themselves.  相似文献   
179.
Abstract

In recent years, India and Singapore have developed a strong bilateral security and economic partnership that has assumed a central position in India's strategic engagement in Southeast Asia. Having sought strategic engagement with India for many decades, Singapore has now successfully positioned itself as India's leading political partner and economic gateway to the region. At the same time, India and Singapore have actively pursued close defence ties, including frequent joint training and the assumption of an active maritime security role by India in Southeast Asia. The recent decision by India to allow the Singapore air force and army to operate long term training facilities on Indian territory represents a significant development in Indian strategic practice and may presage a more permanent Indian security presence in East Asia. This article will examine these developments and consider to what extent the emergent security relationship between India and Singapore should be seen as a desire to balance China's growing economic and political dominance of the region and to what extent it reflects a ‘natural’ strategic sphere for India stretching from Aden to Singapore and beyond into East Asia.  相似文献   
180.
曾玲 《思想战线》2007,33(2):83-90
坟山组织普遍存在于东南亚华人社会。在19世纪,新加坡华人移民各帮群都建有自己的坟(义)山,多以亭称之。帮群坟山不仅为了解决本帮群移民的身后葬地问题,同时也有界定社群成员身份、促进社群认同与凝聚力的重要功能。社团总坟是社群认同的象征,是帮群的总机构、社群共祖之所在,通过建构和祭祀社群共祖来达致宗乡社群之整合。  相似文献   
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