中国、美国与正在演变中的亚洲秩序

中国崛起是一个复合概念,既包括经济、军事等硬实力方面,也包括国际规范、高等教育等软实力方面。这对亚洲地区的国际秩序来说无疑是一个新的变量,但不能就此认为亚洲地区已形成了中国主导的国际秩序。实际上,正在演变中的亚洲秩序是一个包含有轮毂模式、有限共治模式、规范共同体模式和复合相互依赖模式四种秩序特征的复合体。同时,中国崛起对中美关系来说无疑也注入了新的元素,但并非就如现实主义者所预测的那么悲观,中美之间的合作远大于分歧,我们尤其应该注意在中美之间还存在许多不确定因素。     

华人新移民研究

华人新移民包括自20世纪50年代以来的中国大陆移民、台港澳移民和东南亚华人二次移民.本文拟探讨华人新移民的分布、特点、新移民内部以及新、老移民之间的关系.笔者认为国际移民是经济全球化的一个重要因素,在地区间经济发展不平衡的情况下,跨国移民将不断增加.华人新移民是国际移民的一个重要组成部分,她改变了海外华人分布的格局,赋于海外华人新的特点,并为移居国和祖籍国的经济、社会和文化的发展作出了巨大的贡献.     

市场结构优化与苏南产业结构升级

加快产业结构优化升级是进入工业化中后期苏南地区经济发展面临的主要课题。同世界产业市场寡头化发展趋势相比,苏南产业市场表现为过度竞争的市场结构。这一市场结构严重影响了苏南产业结构的高度化发展和知识经济成分的培育。因此,推进苏南地区市场结构寡头化,是加快苏南产业结构升级的重要路径。     

The More Assertive and Pragmatic New Energy Policy in Putin’s Russia: Security Implications for Northeast Asia

The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.

奥运会对东北亚国家的影响——以北京奥运会为中心

奥运会历来是国际社会最为关注的全球体育盛会。它的影响早已远远超越体育的范畴,而对国际政治、经济、社会等更广泛的领域产生着多方面深刻的影响。北京奥运会是继东京、汉城之后,亚洲国家主办的第三次夏季奥运会,意义非同寻常。这三次奥运会对东北亚国家经济社会发展都起到巨大推动作用,同时也反映了时代的巨大变迁。"绿色奥运、科技奥运、人文奥运"三大理念,有力地促进了中国的科技社会进步和人文素质的提升。北京奥运会的成功举办,向全世界展现中国文化发展的民族特色、时代特色与创新特色,为世界奥运史和文明史作出了自己的贡献,将使我国踏上蓬勃发展的历史新起点。     

洪大容和“古杭三才”的友谊与东北亚文化

洪大容和"古杭三才"的儒家"益者三友"思想,是东北亚文化交流的组织基础;以追求真正学问之道为文化取向;他们的友谊和文化交流为东北亚文化的发展和东北亚精神家园建设在历史上产生了积极影响。洪大容作为朝鲜的实学家在北学中国,接受西方文化中,确立了"学问的多元化",追求着自主意识,他为东北亚文化在朝鲜的个性发展所作的贡献恰恰丰富了东北亚文化的精神家园,并在历史上起到了承前启后的作用,为东北亚各国各民族的自觉、自立、自信、自强一直产生着积极的影响。     

A history of sex and the state in Southeast Asia: class,intimacy and invisibility

This essay offers a history of international marriages that questions the definition of marriage and what it meant to belong, as a legal subject or citizen, to a colonial state in Southeast Asia. European imperial states deployed monogamous marriage alongside other weapons of empire as a justification for intervention into Southeast Asian societies. With monogamous marriage came also European notions of belonging that traced surnames and legal subject status (later citizenship) via husbands and fathers. The ramifications for individuals in international marriages between Asian women and European men are well known. However, the vast majority of ‘international marriages’ were not those between colonial Europeans and Southeast Asian women, but between Southeast Asian women and lower class Asian men from India and China. Colonial states ignored or failed to register these lower class intra-Asian intimacies because their unions did not threaten colonial rule so long as they ensured a continuous pool of labor and promoted the colonial economy. Unlike recent theories which argue for an omniscient state that penetrates into the personal lives of its populations, this essay maintains that states intensely regulated marriage and belonging for some subjects but not for others. This longstanding unevenness in the management of intimate unions provides a historical context for understanding shifts in the marital regimes of contemporary postcolonial states. Taking a long-term view, the essay asks if recent increases in international marriages might be better understood as spikes rather than as absolute increases resulting from ‘globalization’. A historical framework ties the rise and fall of international marriage to early modern trade patterns, imperialism's labor requirements, war, and the recent demand for labor that has arisen from low birth rates and economic changes. Each of these ‘events’ entailed a large-scale movement of populations which resulted in the development of intimate unions.     

Justice Without Transition: Truth Commissions in the Context of Repressive Rule

While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades, the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems, may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations, the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s 1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.

也谈南海断续线的法律性质

南海断续线的法律性质对于澄清南海问题的实质及问题的解决具有重要意义。综合各种因素考虑,其作为岛屿(礁)归属线的性质可以确证,而海上国界线、历史性水域线及历史性权利线等表述均存在瑕疵,为巩固我国对线内水域的权利主张,除岛屿(礁)归属线外,将其同时界定为可管辖水域线较为可取。     

新思想库与奥巴马政府的亚洲政策决策——以新美国安全研究中心为例

在美国对外政策决策体系中,思想库在政策理念创新、人才储备、打造政策辩论平台以及教育和引导公众等方面具有非凡的作用。新近兴起的新美国安全研究中心对奥巴马政府的对外政策影响巨大。该中心的亚洲政策研究强调务实的态度,注重美国对亚洲事务的重新"参与",倡导强化和升级美国在亚洲的联盟关系,推动美国积极介入地区多边制度,其政策建议通过"旋转门制度"等对当前美国的亚洲政策决策产生了深刻影响。