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861.
This paper examines the complexity and multidimensional features of leadership and provides understanding of leadership in ASEAN integration. It highlights the significant roles of leadership in the integrating Southeast Asia and contradicts its common belief of invisible leadership. It highlights the role and the importance of Indonesia in the development of ASEAN as a main factor that can determine ASEAN's survival and success. Moreover, it insists that ASEAN is literally subject to structural powers, derived from material and resource capacity, in which leadership is highly attached to a leader's charisma. Finally, the paper proposes that the benevolent roles of Indonesia with strong emphasis on soft power are a key element of success.  相似文献   
862.
The paper compares political ideas and acts in the Soviet Union under Gorbachev and in Communist Vietnam. It argues that the Gorbachev group, committed to progressive change, concluded that power granted to them by their position in the Soviet system needed to be eliminated, creating a ‘boot strap’ problem. To secure progressive change they had first to destroy their own power base. By contrast, the ruling Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) attempted, in the two decades after the emergence of a market economy in 1989–1991, to rule an increasingly open society through Soviet political institutions. By the late ‘noughties’ Vietnam faced a crisis of domestic sovereignty, with politics largely a matter of spoils, with policy largely irrelevant and unimplementable, and usually blocked by powerful interests. The paper argues that Hinsley's notion of the sovereignty issue makes this situation far easier to analyse. It argues that the Gorbachev group's analysis would have led to them predicting that the VCP's attempt to use Soviet institutions to rule over a globalising and increasingly open society with a market economy would lead to a crisis of political authority, and that they would have been correct. This leads to the counter-intuitive position that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was a success ? in that it managed to solve a serious political problem, i.e. how to create the preconditions for a political system suited to a market economy in a relatively open society – and the VCP a failure.  相似文献   
863.
Abstract

In this, the first of a two-article series, an attitudinal typology was developed for use in a subsequent study of media consumption and psychographic variables. The current study used multivariate statistics to identify types of individuals who are similar to one another, across multiple measures of attitudes towards social issues. Agglomerative hierarchical cluster analysis of data from 11 533 South Africans, aged 16 years and older, revealed six distinct types based on the component ‘attitudinal variables’. The types were labelled Contemporaries, Conventionals, Unconcerneds, Self-involveds, Old-schoolers and Confidents. Preliminary analysis of available demographic variables revealed significant differences for age, population group, gender, work status, home language, SAARF Lifestages and SAARF Universal Living Standard Measure (SU-LSM®) for the six types. The typology illustrates the possibility of empirical identification of distinct attitudinal types of a South African sample. Methodological limitations and recommendations for further research are discussed.  相似文献   
864.
Abstract

Since the 1950s various paradigms of development have aimed to improve living conditions in the developing world (Africa, Asia and Latin America). Globalisation has increased the gap between information and technology haves and have-nots, and development practice (born out of the paradigms developed over the past fifty years) now seeks to address issues such as access to information communication technology (ICT) and the need for developing countries to participate in the global economy. This article examines the first year of the joint venture between the Media in Education Trust (MiET) and the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Education (KZNDE) to develop Education Centres Supporting Rural Development in KwaZulu-Natal, and how these centres address a crucial aspect of development – the question of access.  相似文献   
865.
This research note evaluates one of the commonly used measurements for political gender equality: representation of women in parliaments. It demonstrates that caution is called for when interpreting results where this variable is used, because parliamentary representation implies different things in different settings. Societies with more women in parliament tend to have fewer intrastate armed conflicts. We investigate this statistical association with a particular focus on East Asia. This region has seen a shift from extremely intense warfare to low levels of battle deaths at roughly the same time as great strides have been made in the representation of women in parliaments. This research note shows, however, that this statistical association is driven by authoritarian communist regimes promoting gender equality as a part of communist ideology, and these countries’ representative chambers have little influence over politics. Using statistical tests and empirical illustrations from East Asia, the note concludes that the political representation of women is an invalid indicator of political gender equality in East Asia. There is thus a need for nuance in assessing the picture painted in earlier research. In addition, the suggestion that more women in parliament will lead to fewer armed conflicts runs the risk of being forwarded as an oversimplified solution to a complex problem, and we briefly discuss the instrumentalization of gender equality in peace and security studies.  相似文献   
866.
Abstract

This article takes as its point of departure the recent massacre of striking miners at the Lonmin mine at Marikana in North-West Province, South Africa. The shooting, in which 36 mine workers were killed, was an attack on civilians by state forces unprecedented in the democratic era. The incident received wide local and international coverage. In this article the author argues that the reporting of the event demonstrated how the professional routines of journalism and the orientation towards audiences are related to the position of the mainstream news media within social and political discourses in the country. The author goes on to explore the normative questions raised by the reporting of the event, against the background of the role of the news media in a new democracy. The concept of ‘listening’ is proposed as an ethical alternative to the current dominant normative frameworks for journalism in the country.  相似文献   
867.
Nyasha Mboti 《Communicatio》2013,39(4):449-465
Abstract

In 2012 flame-grilled chicken company, Nando's, released a 52-second advert showing people of various races and ethnicities vaporising into thin air, one after the other, leaving a lone San Bushman wearing a xai who declares: ‘I'm not going anywhere. You f*#@ng found us here.’ Broadcasters SABC, DStv and etv initially banned the advert, citing fears of a xenophobic backlash. In 1996, former South African president, Thabo Mbeki, who was deputy president at the time, delivered what has become known as the ‘I am an African’ speech at the adoption of the South Africa Constitution Bill. In the speech Mbeki appears to codify ‘Africanness’ into a consciousness not just of history, but a shared history. The conceptual reach of his speech seems to imply that everyone who may share South Africa's history is somehow South African and African. This article argues that the Mbeki speech and the Nando's advert, taken together, draw attention to the simultaneous richness and poverty of citizenship in South Africa, and the potential benefits and contradictions of claiming citizenship in the sense preferred by the two texts. The context is supplied by a sampling of 22 randomly selected online comments centering on the censored advert.  相似文献   
868.
The severe and fast-evolving Ukraine crisis has required a great concentration of Russia’s political efforts and is having a massive impact on Russian policymaking, including in the Middle East. This region provides the best opportunity for Moscow to reassert its status as a key player in the global arena, and the deep fall of oil prices makes Russia particularly attentive to regional conflict developments. One of the main motivations for Russia is the pronounced desire to demonstrate its capacity to thwart US policy, but another is to prove its value to China as a strategic partner. Russia’s reach remains limited but it will continue to look for opportunities to make a difference.  相似文献   
869.
Of the two major Palestinian factions, Hamas has demonstrated that it is more radical and willing to use acts of terrorism than Fatah. While some arguments have made the case that Hamas has become more moderate in light of efforts to develop stable institutions of government and societal organizations, there has not been conclusive evidence of this ideological shift. In fact, the continued adherence to the Muqawama (resistance) Doctrine represents a decisive facet of the movement's enduring pledge to nullify the state of Israel through a prolonged war of attrition. This article examines the role of political pragmatism in the evolution of Hamas. First, it discusses why the moderation argument alone does not provide an adequate understanding of the movement's evolution, especially since it continues to embrace the use of terrorism and violence as facets of Islamism and as an extension of the Muqawama Doctrine. Second, rather than solely using the moderation argument, this article offers an alternative approach which considers how the combination of strategic policy approaches implemented by Hamas has reflected the role of pragmatism in pursuing its domestic and foreign policy agendas, which are intertwined with the values of the Muqawama Doctrine.  相似文献   
870.
Who controls the income earned by members of women's self-help groups (SHG) from group activities – the women or their husbands? The answer indicates one dimension of the level of economic empowerment attained by SHG members. This paper examines whether identity of the person controlling the income earned depends upon the political party ruling the municipality where the SHG is situated. Two parties are considered – the Left Front, a coalition comprising of Leftist parties, and the Indian National Congress. This paper is based on a field study of 240 SHG members in six municipalities in West Bengal, India.

Les participants aux groupes d'entraide pour les femmes économiquement plus habilités dans les municipalités de gauche?

Qui contrôle les revenus tirés par les membres des groupes d'entraide de femmes (GEF) de leurs activités - les femmes ou leurs maris ? La réponse indique une dimension du degré d'autonomisation économique obtenu par les membres de GEF. Cet article traite de la question de savoir si l'identité de la personne qui contrôle les revenus gagnés dépend du parti politique qui régit la municipalité où se situe la GEF. Deux partis sont considérés – le Front de gauche, coalition composée des partis de gauche, et le Congrès national indien. Cet article se base sur une étude de terrain de 240 membres de GEF répartis sur six municipalités dans le Bengale-Occidental, en Inde.

¿Están los participantes en los grupos de autoayuda para las mujeres económicamente más empoderadas en los municipios de izquierda?

¿Quién controla los ingresos generados por las mujeres que participan en los grupos de autoayuda (GAA) a partir de actividades grupales: las mujeres o sus esposos? La respuesta dada a esta pregunta opera como indicador de una dimensión del grado de empoderamiento económico logrado por las integrantes de los GAA. Este artículo examina en qué medida el género de la persona que controla los ingresos depende del partido político que tenga el poder en los municipios donde existen los GAA. Para ello, se analizaron dos partidos: el Frente de Izquierda (“Left Front”), una coalición de partidos de izquierda, y el Congreso Nacional Indio (“Indian National Congress”). El artículo se basa en un estudio de campo realizado entre 240 integrantes de los GAA residentes en seis municipios de Bengal Occidental en India.

São membros de grupos de auto-ajuda para mulheres economicamente mais habilitadas na esquerda municípios?

Quem controla a renda ganha pelas participantes de grupos de mulheres que se auto-ajudam (Self-Help Groups - SHG) – as mulheres ou seus maridos? A resposta indica uma dimensão do nível do empoderamento econômico alcançado por membros dos SHGs. Este artigo examina se a identidade da pessoa que controla a renda recebida depende do grupo político que governa o município onde o SHG está situado. Dois grupos são examinados – a Frente Esquerda, que é uma coalizão formada por partidos da esquerda, e o Congresso Nacional Indiano. O artigo baseia-se em um estudo de campo com 240 membros de SHGs em seis municípios de Bengala Ocidental, Índia.  相似文献   
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