Abstract The events of the ‘Arab Spring’ appeared to be animated by slogans and objectives of universalist orientations to liberty, dignity and social justice, a departure from the ethno-religious nationalisms that dominated the politics of the region. They raised questions regarding the ‘exceptionalism’ of Arabs and Muslims, whom many observers and commentators considered to be tied to sentiments and solidarities of patrimonialism, tribe and religion. Yet, the forces that seemed to benefit from the transformations in Egypt and elsewhere were not those that made the ‘revolution’ but precisely religious and patriarchal parties which benefited from popular constituencies in elections. A consideration of the political history of the main countries concerned can throw some light on these transformations. The nationalist, often military, regimes which emerged from the independence struggles of mid-twentieth century headed ideological, populist, nationalist and ‘socialist’ movements and parties and authoritarian regimes which eliminated oppositional politics and social autonomies in favour of a corporatist welfare state. These regimes, facing economic and geo-political contingencies of the later decades were transformed into dynastic oligarchies and crony capitalism which broke the compact of welfare and subsidies leading to intensified impoverishment and repression of their populations. Popular strata were driven ever more into reliance on ‘survival units’ of kin and community, reinforcing communal and religious attachments at the expense of civic and associational life. These ties and sentiments come to the fore when the ruling dynasties are displaced, as in Iraq after the 2003 invasion or Egypt after the removal of Mubarak. The ideological and universalist politics of the revolutionaries appear to be swamped by those conservative affiliations. 相似文献
AbstractThis article explores the emergence of new spaces for civil society organisations (CSOs) as a result of an increasing interest by international donors in multi-stakeholder approaches to good governance under the ‘new policy agenda’. Drawing upon a contemporary case study of civil society in Cambodia, it argues that CSOs have been encouraged to perform two key roles on a national level: professional service delivery agents and democratic watchdogs. Both roles are seen by donors as integral to supporting an accountable and professional model of the Cambodian state while drawing upon valuable private sector lessons in a synergetic model of governance. The result is the construction of particular neoliberal spaces for CSOs operating as technical implementation mechanisms in response to externally driven donor pressures. Furthermore, under this new framework of governance, CSOs face pressure to undergo internal transformation akin to new public management reform; embracing economistic and administrative modes of coordination as core values of civil society participation. 相似文献
Abstract For the general elections in 2000 and 2004, civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage the so-called ‘blacklisting campaign’ or ‘defeat campaign’ against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or anti-reform politicians. The campaigns not only played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected but also heralded a new era in Korean politics: civic groups have now emerged as a major political force, capable not only of challenging party policies and pending legislation but also taking on an agenda-setting prominence in a wide array of policy areas. In analyzing the success of NGO political activities in the 2000 and 2004 general elections, this paper draws on resource mobilization theory to show how the civic groups effectively utilized various resources, including leadership skills, communications and office facilities, and access to the mass media, to achieve their objective rather than relying simply on the spontaneous participation of voters. In comparing the efforts of civic groups in the two elections, the paper also explains the factors that made their endeavors relatively less successful in 2004 (e.g. a splintering of alliances among the civic groups). On the whole, the paper argues that the greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to a more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy, and that the vibrant civic activism in Korea is an indication not only of maturing democracy but also a more secure entrenchment of civil society. 相似文献
Abstract South Korea is a middle power in a region where its scope of action can rise and fall quickly and diplomatic flexibility is needed. Neither realist responses to threats nor idealist trust in integration meet its needs for adjusting triangular ties with China and Japan, as their relations become the principal great power divide in Northeast Asia. Its optimal choice is as a facilitator biding its time when tensions over both security and national identity clashes are intense, while preparing for opportunities. Four conditions would give it a favorable environment: forward-looking foreign leadership; security challenges brought under some control; subsiding preoccupation with national identities; and its own strategic planning with care not to overreach. Multiple possibilities emerge if it can rebuild ties with Japan as part of a triangle with China as well as one with the United States and also synchronize ties with China to other ties. Even amidst recurrent tensions, the core East Asian triangle offers Seoul a chance to take advantage of changing dynamics in the world's most ascendant region. 相似文献
The paper explores how global commercial discourses and the politics of aspiration in post-apartheid South Africa may be seen as contributing to the restructuring of spaces of multilingualism and the refiguring of indexical values of English and South African languages. The analysis takes its point of departure in how late-modern lifestyles, identities, aspirations and imaginations are represented across local and transnational commercial signage in the Western Cape township of Khayelitsha, focusing in particular on how different languages are multimodally constituted and differentially represented in two different sub-genres of commercial billboards. We suggest that new late-modern multimodal representations of identity, and the way multilingual resources are configured into new repertoires and genres of subjectivity, may be one important factor in how social transformation is mediated in changing perceptions and practices of language, while simultaneously and paradoxically reinforcing traditional conceptions of cultural authenticity and self-representation. 相似文献
Global Value Chains (GVCs) serve as significant sources of employment for developing countries, with various impacts upon their labour markets and workers. While participation in GVCs is important for economic upgrading, there is concern about a ‘race to the bottom’ happening in global competition. This paper attempts to understand how economic upgrading and decent working conditions interact in the proliferating GVCs, by looking at the garment exporting countries in Asia. It argues that worker profiles as well as local economic and labour market conditions have important implications on how competitiveness plays out in terms of working conditions.
Concurrence et travail décent dans les chaînes de valeur mondiales : substitutionnaires ou complémentaires?
Les chaînes de valeur mondiales (CVM) constituent des sources considérables d'emploi pour les pays en développement, avec divers impacts sur leurs marchés du travail et leur main-d'?uvre. Si la participation aux CVM est importante pour le développement économique, il y a néanmoins des inquiétudes concernant une « course vers le bas » dans la concurrence mondiale. Ce document tente de comprendre comment le développement économique et les conditions de travail décentes entrent en interaction dans les CVM en prolifération, en examinant les pays exportateurs de textiles en Asie. Il soutient que les profils des ouvriers, ainsi que les conditions locales économiques et du marché de la main d'?uvre, ont d'importantes implications sur la manière dont la concurrence se manifeste dans les conditions de travail.
Competitividade e trabalho decente em Cadeias Globais de Valor: substituição ou complementaridade?
As Cadeias Globais de Valor (GVCs) servem como fontes importantes de emprego para países em desenvolvimento, com vários impactos sobre seus mercados de trabalho e trabalhadores. Embora a participação nas GVCs seja importante para a melhoria econômica, há a preocupação de haver uma “corrida para baixo” na competição global. Este artigo visa compreender como a melhoria econômica e condições de trabalho decentes interagem na proliferação das GVCs, analisando os países exportadores de roupa na Ásia. Ele argumenta que os perfis dos trabalhadores e também as condições locais do mercado econômico e de trabalho têm implicações importantes no modo como a competitividade acontece em termos de condições de trabalho.
Competitividad y trabajo digno en las Cadenas de Valor Mundiales: ¿sustituyen o complementan?
Las Cadenas de Valor Mundiales (CVM) son importantes fuentes de empleo en los países en desarrollo y producen efectos diversos en los mercados de empleo y en los trabajadores. Si bien las CVM pueden ser importantes para el mejoramiento económico, es preocupante la “competencia para bajar los estándares” que resulta de la competitividad mundial. Este ensayo intenta descubrir cómo el mejoramiento económico y las condiciones de empleo dignas se articulan en las CVM en rápido crecimiento analizando los países exportadores de prendas de vestir de Asia. El ensayo sostiene que el grado de capacitación de los trabajadores, la situación económica y las condiciones del mercado laboral son factores importantes a la hora de analizar cómo la competitividad afecta las condiciones de trabajo. 相似文献