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111.
Biao Zhang 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1459-1478
AbstractMost of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania. 相似文献
112.
当前社交媒体的应用与普及掀起了恐怖主义活动的新浪潮,有着交互性、社区化特征的社交媒体在招募人员、传播极端思想及策划恐怖袭击方面有着天然优势。以"伊斯兰国"运用社交媒体进行恐怖活动为例,该文探讨了社交媒体的特性、在恐怖组织中扮演的角色以及我国公安机关在社交媒体时代下恐怖主义蔓延采取的应对策略,以期更好地应对反恐新难题。 相似文献
113.
Obert Hodzi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):191-206
Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. 相似文献
114.
Defining Environmental Justice Communities for Regulatory Enforcement: Implications from a Block‐Group‐Level Analysis of New York State
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Jiaqi Liang 《政策研究评论》2016,33(6):666-685
The absence of a clear definition of environmental justice areas has been cited as one of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's major deficiencies in managing federal environmental justice programs. Several states have explicitly defined potential environmental justice areas and integrated targeted efforts into the policy‐making process. At the block‐group level, this study evaluates the effects of New York State's environmental justice policy, which defines communities of concern in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as mandates supplemental regulatory enforcement activities for these neighborhoods, on the agency's policy implementation practices under the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act. The empirical findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence regarding race/ethnicity‐ and class‐based environmental inequity. Also, the state's policy intervention is not universally effective. Moreover, task environments of a given community are a consistent determinant of the agency's regulatory compliance monitoring and assurance activities. This study then derives broader implications regarding the adoption of a policy instrument that defines and screens potential environmental justice communities. 相似文献
115.
The Iraqi High Tribunal (IHT), as a mechanism of transitional justice, took upon it a pioneering role within the Middle Eastern Region by prosecuting and convicting several high-ranking members of the former suppressive regime in Iraq. As part of this work, the IHT confronted the widespread impunity for and disregard of gender-based crimes, such as rape and other sexual violence, and took steps towards reforming the sector through its progressive statute and the specific acknowledgment of gender crimes within its judgments. It will be the aim of the following article to extend academic writings on Iraq, the IHT and gender, by providing insights into how the tribunal dealt with the issues of rape and sexual violence, the surrounding circumstances and how successful the IHT's recognition of these crimes proved for transitional justice in Iraq. 相似文献
116.
工伤救济已发展成为社会化法律责任制度,但从本源上说仍是广义民事侵权的一种,因而工伤受害人的民事救济会涉及工伤保险待遇与人身损害赔偿两种请求权的竞合。我国目前相关法律存在立法空白,而国务院的个别工伤行政法规与最高人民法院的人损赔偿司法解释却又存在矛盾与冲突,司法实践中缺乏统一法律依据,导致裁判结果不一致。对此应当通过完善工伤救济制度、区别对待的立法方式解决工伤救济请求权的竞合问题,以全面实现保障与救济工伤受害人合法权益的目的。 相似文献
117.
118.
本文以地区而不是传统上占主导地位的国际体系作为理解和解释国际政治与国家行为的概念基础,构建起一个地区与国家相互塑造的分析框架。透过这个框架,可以解释:地区对国家的地位与权力、认同与观念、政策与行为的塑造;与此同时,国家的相对权力及其变化、观念和政策及其转变还对地区体系和制度秩序的形成产生一定影响。从动态的角度来看,地区与融入其中的国家处于相互塑造的过程中。彼此从对方那里吸取不同的元素,并以不同的方式相互进行重塑和改造。地区与国家之间存在基于过程选择的互动关系,它为理解改革开放以来中国外交政策的调整以及与亚太周边地区变化中的新关系提供了理论视角。 相似文献
119.
道路交通事故是目前越来越引起公众关注的社会问题。许多国家通过制定交通法规来规范交通参与人的行为,保障交通安全。但在实际执法实践中,由于各方面的原因,公安交通管理部门对法规的实施出现了一些困惑。法定保障原则应考虑保障部门的利益问题,进一步完善通行规则和量化过错行为的划分依据,损害赔偿应当建立起赔偿与相应过错行为相对公平的赔偿体系。 相似文献
120.
美朝核风波再起的实质是美国霸权与朝鲜生存权的又一次政治博弈,美朝核风波的实质看成是生存权与霸权的政治博弈。进而为此展开的六方会谈框架又成为一组多方政治博弈平台。在美朝核风波愈演愈烈、几近战争临界值之际,中国从维护地区安全出发,积极出面斡旋,经三方会谈而达成了六方会谈框架。六方会谈的达成意义重大,舒解了“战争临界”;彰显了“中国作用”;取得了可视化成果。不应否认,六方会谈框架存在某种不足,却仍是解决朝核问题的最现实、最可行的方式。 相似文献