通督调神针刺法对血管性轻度认知障碍患者血清脑源性神经营养因子和血浆同型半胱氨酸的影响

目的观察通督调神针刺法对血管性轻度认知障碍患者的疗效,以及对血清脑源性神经营养因子(brain derived neural nutrition factor,BDNF)、血浆同型半胱氨酸(homocysteine,Hcy)水平的影响。方法将61例血管性轻度认知障碍患者随机分为治疗组(31例)和对照组(30例),对照组患者口服药物多奈哌齐治疗2个月,治疗组除口服多奈哌齐外还予通督调神针刺法治疗4个疗程。采用简易智力状态检查(mini-mental state examination,MMSE)量表、蒙特利尔认知评估(Montreal cognitive assessment,MoCA)量表评价患者治疗前后认知水平变化,采用酶联免疫吸附法检测血清BDNF水平,循环酶法检测血浆Hcy水平。结果与治疗前比较,治疗后两组患者MMSE评分、MoCA评分均明显增加(P<0.05);治疗组与对照组MMSE和MoCA评分差值比较,差异均有统计学意义(P<0.05)。与治疗前比较,两组患者治疗后血清BDNF水平显著升高,血浆Hcy水平显著降低,差异均有统计学意义(P<0.05);治疗组血清BDNF水平升高程度、血浆Hcy水平降低程度均显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。两组基于MMSE评分的疗效比较,治疗组优于对照组(P<0.05)。结论通督调神针刺能够提升血管性轻度认知功能障碍患者的认知功能评分,提高相关细胞因子的表达水平,降低相关危险因素的影响。     

乡绅之治与国家权力——以明清时期中国乡村社会为背景

明清时期中国乡村社会背景下的权力结构及其变迁一直为中外学界所关注。乡绅几乎是所有相关研究都无法绕开的关键一环。本文从以往学者对乡绅的不同理解出发,揭示乡绅所具有的权力要素与国家权力之间的紧密关系。探求在国家正式权力对乡村社会的控制力逐渐弱化的前提下,乡绅之治的生成路径。在中国封建社会后期独特的国家与社会的场域中,揭示乡绅之治与国家权力之间的内在联系,即一方面,乡绅之治是国家权力在乡村治理中的延伸;另一方面,乡绅之治是乡村社会防御国家权力的屏障。乡绅之治以保守的姿态,而不是革命的情绪,最终向专制主义国家争得了一个相对自治的乡村社会。     

现代国家建构与农村基层民主法治建设

现代国家建构是民族—国家与民主—国家的双重建构,其本质是国家主权性与国家合法性的二维建设。中国在现代国家建构之中,不仅存在着民族—国家建构与民主—国家建构的非均衡性,而且还存在着城乡发展的非均衡性,尤其是农村基层的民主、法治建设落后于城市发展,国家政权认同在乡村社会遭遇合法性危机。进一步推进农村基层民主制度建设,构建服务型地方政府;大力完善农村基层法治建设,增强国家合法性,是当下中国现代国家建构的重中之重。     

国际海洋法法庭若干法律问题的分析

国际海洋法法庭是根据《联合国海洋法公约》及其附件6增设的新的常设性国际司法机构。设立 国际海洋法法庭是争端解决机制的一大创举,并且在争端解决机制方面具有独特的作用和重要的地位。比如,它 确认了争端当事方资格、克服了海洋法本身的缺陷、实施了强制性的管辖权等。目前,国际海洋法法庭在实践中 主要是处理"船只和船员的迅速释放"和"临时措施"的案件。国际海洋法法庭对于中国也有重大的影响。     

区域安全合作研究的建构主义范式

作为国际关系理论的一种研究范式,建构主义为分析区域安全合作问题提供了一个新的视角。建构主义包括国家利益论(国家身份理论)、国际体系结构理论、国际体系转换理论以及安全共同体理论,与此相对应,运用建构主义理论分析区域安全合作问题也包括四个部分,即区域安全合作中的国家身份和国家利益、区域安全合作发生于其中的国际体系结构、区域安全集体认同的形成以及安全共同体理论对区域安全合作的解析。     

The media,civil society and democracy in South Africa: State of the Nation Address 2015

This article reports on an investigation into the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), during which opposition party members interrupted proceedings to raise questions about the controversial R208-million security upgrade to South African President Jacob Zuma's personal homestead, Nkandla, in KwaZulu-Natal, using public funds. The event raised issues about the constitutionality of the use of police in the National Assembly; the use of cell phone blocking devices; and the fact that television broadcasters were not allowed to broadcast the events as they happened. The investigation drew on a quantitative content analysis of print media coverage of SONA2015, as well as qualitative interviews with members of the Right2Know (R2 K) campaign in Cape Town and Durban. It explored their activities to “take back Parliament” and calling for a “people's Parliament”. At the core of the investigation was the role of civil society in the media-politics nexus with regard to strengthening democracy and democratic participation in South Africa, through an exploration of the case study.     

Why ‘Uganda’s anti-homosexuality bill’? Rethinking the ‘coherent’ state

How we understand the state is important when addressing issues of human rights. During the debate on the Anti-Homosexuality Bill in Uganda, the country was, at times, presented as nearly uniformly homophobic, exemplified by references to ‘Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill’. The state, which does discriminate against gender and sexual minorities, is comprised of different institutions and people, holding, at times, conflicting positions. This paper documents these differing positions that parts of the state adopted, along with how those positions changed over time in response to political changes and lobbying from civil society. Uncovering gaps in the coherence of the state by identifying these opposing views is useful both for how we understand and study the state, and for activism against political homophobias. Strategies against legislation similar to the Anti-Homosexuality Bill can target those within most likely to oppose such laws.     

超大型国家治理中的地方法治试验及其制度约束

地方法治试验既能够激发地方政府的创造性,又能够科学有效地规范地方政府权力运作。竞争动力学理论从经济发展产生的内生性驱动和官员晋升锦标赛产生的外在压力两方面,解释了地方法治试验的动力机制。中国采取“政府集权+行政集权”模式在促进国家统一同时,扩大了国家的治理规模,增加了国家的治理负荷,引发了超大型国家治理的结构性难题。中央试图通过允许地方进行法治试验的方式,来解决这一难题。它能够在统护法律统一的前提下,及时调整中央集权与分权的程度。中央通过宪制约束、组织约束和政策调控等多种手段,加强对地方法治试验的约束,确保国家整体主义体制结构的实现。地方法治不是一个脱离中国整体法治而存在的本体论意义上的概念,而是一个具有强烈方法论意义的概念。     

Curriculum Reform in The Common Core Era: Evaluating Elementary Math Textbooks Across Six U.S. States

Can a school or district improve student achievement simply by switching to a higher-quality textbook or curriculum? We conducted the first multi-textbook, multi-state effort to estimate textbook efficacy following widespread adoption of the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) and associated changes in the textbook market. Pooling textbook adoption and student test score data across six geographically and demographically diverse U.S. states, we found little evidence of differences in average achievement gains for schools using different math textbooks. We found some evidence of greater variation in achievement gains among schools using pre-CCSS editions, which may have been more varied in their content than post-CCSS editions because they were written for a broader set of standards. We also found greater variation among schools that had more exposure to a given text. However, these differences were small. Despite considerable interest and attention to textbooks as a low-cost, “silver bullet” intervention for improving student outcomes, we conclude that the adoption of a new textbook or set of curriculum materials, on its own, is unlikely to achieve this goal.     

Planteamiento teórico y evidencia del desplazamiento gradual del Estado autoritario al Estado pragmático en México: la transformación de las élites

Analyses of political change in Mexico since the government shift achieved in July 2000 have been undertaken with a focus on the democratic political transition that led to the so-called alternation, that is, from the stance of a classical approach about State transformations that led from an authoritarian stage to democratization. Analytical approaches in Mexico concerning political change are focused on the undeniable democratic practice at the ballot boxes; however, the outcomes' transparency, the adoption of a new regime, and the procedural condition of the young Mexican democracy make it appropriate to consider this shift from the realist view of the exercise of power and major mechanisms for the establishment of élites' political-governmental decisions. Thus, pragmatism is put forward as an alternative political approach. This article intends to establish that political change in Mexico has gradually changed from its past condition as an authoritarian State to become a pragmatic State, favored by the advent of governmental technocracy, globalization, the market, the us hegemonic ideology, and the obvious involvement of corporate elites contained in State power institutions.