儒家和谐治理观与国家治理的制度化--从制度文明视角扬弃传统和谐治理观

儒家和谐治理观对历史中国和现代东亚国家的巩固和发展起了重要作用,并可以为当今中国和谐社会的建设和国家治理提供可资借鉴的思想资源。但由于其存在着理论与制度不同构、制度资源太少的根本性缺陷,不能作为解决当今社会政治问题的现成方案。欲实现社会和谐和长治久安,必须重构现代治理观,走出重“政治人”建设轻政治制度建设的历史误区,开辟一条靠制度执政、靠制度治国的新路。制度建设和创新的核心是民主与法治,其中又以党和政府的制度改革为重点。对战略策略作出理性化的选择,则是制度变革成败的关键。     

转轨国家中的政府俘获问题研究

在简要介绍世界银行组织专家关于转轨国家中的政府俘获问题研究过程和结论的基础上,对高掠夺国家的特征、俘获者企业的特点、以及政府俘获给这些国家带来的危害做了归纳和总结;构建了转轨国家由低掠夺国家转化为高掠夺国家的政府俘获模型;分析了转轨国家中的政府俘获问题研究的理论价值和现实意义。     

《香港特别行政区基本法》第18条的形成过程及其规范含义

基本法是“一国两制”基本方针的具体化、法律化,为特别行政区制度的运行提供了坚实的法律基础。作为法律文本体系,基本法由不同规范组合,构成不同的功能体系。当基本法的规范与现实出现冲突时,我们要回归基本法本身,寻求规范依据,并通过对规范的合理解释,建构文本与实践互动的运行机制。《香港特别行政区基本法》第18条是富有特色的条款,其规范具有综合性、开放性与动态性,勾接不同的价值,在文本体系内设置合理平衡国家主权、安全与特别行政区高度自治权的规范依据。基于基本法的特殊地位,基本法具体条文的形成具有特定的背景与规范内含,需要以宪法解释学的方法加以诠释,为其实施提供规范依据。     

返场、控制与捆绑:乡镇干部的压力源及其解释

乡镇干部在基层治理中的角色经历了从边缘到中心的转换,却未能改变被上下挤压的弱势地位,这源于治理结构和过程中隐匿的制度逻辑:一方面,国家返场需要乡镇干部代理更多乡村公共事务,科层体系等级化运转的体制性压力都传导到乡镇,乡镇干部面临着自上而下的精密化技术控制;另一方面,悬浮化的乡镇政权依靠干部下乡、包村、入户等形式再次下沉,乡镇干部既要硬性地完成科层组织上端各部门转移下来的中心工作,又要软性地在治理实践中协调利益关系和服务村民,面临着组织动员难、政策攀比、农民反制等自下而上的捆绑。乡镇干部被上下挤压是体制性压力转移、技术控制和乡村事务捆绑相互作用的结果,折射出国家返场后乡镇政权运作负担过重和乡村自主治理能力弱化的困境。应重构基层治理结构和技术治理体系,为乡镇干部从结构层面释放压力和技术层面减负,从体制性压力、技术控制和繁杂的形式主义中解脱出来,激发乡村社会内生的治理能力。     

Marianne’s liberty in jeopardy? A French analysis on recent counterterrorism legal developments

ABSTRACT

This article analyses two recent French counterterrorist legislations (Law No. 2016–386 – hereafter OCT&F law and the Law No 2017–1510 – hereafter the OCT&Flaw) through the lens of distinct yet complementary theoretical frameworks. Combining the State of Exception thesis of Giorgio Agamben, the Enemy Penology as framed by Günther Jakobs as well as the more recent scholarship contributions on Pre-Crime, the article seeks to contribute to the scholarly debate on the use and the consequences of the use of criminal and administrative law in the fight against terrorism. In view of the numerous terrorist attacks that France has faced in recent years, the article aims to provide deeper knowledge of the French case by drawing substantially from the unfamiliar French scholarship. The article argues that the measures recently adopted seem to deepen the exceptional and pre-emptive logic in which potentially dangerous subjects have to be identified as “the enemy” as soon as possible in order to then be contained and dealt with.     

知识产权侵权损害赔偿中实际损失的司法认定

传统的民商事法律领域的实际损失通常是指权利人现实利益的减损,即直接经济损失,通常不将间接经济损失称为实际损失。从现有知识产权法律规则与司法实践来看,知识产权法意义上的实际损失既包含直接经济损失,也包含间接经济损失。目前司法实践确认的间接损失包括销量的损失、维权费用的损失、重新投放广告恢复市场声誉的损失等。为充分弥补受害人的损失,价格侵蚀损失虽没有明文规定,在有可靠证据支持的范围内赔偿权利人价格侵蚀部分的损失,具有正当性。     

TALIBANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC STATE AND THE QUEST FOR RETROSPECTIVE LEGITIMACY

This paper develops the notion of ‘Talibanization’ – a concept which stems from the resilience and the determination of the Taliban to remain a dominant player in Afghanistan even after the downfall of their state in 2001. The factors that helped the Taliban to maintain their influence after the disintegration of their state constitute a pattern which could be applied to other conflict-driven areas such as Syria. By critically examining the socio-political conditions in the Syrian district of Jarablus, this paper demonstrates the ways in which the inept post-IS administration is inadvertently helping IS to gain what we call ‘retrospective legitimacy’ a drive which could sustain its influence for many years following its downfall.     

The myth of equilibrium: winner power, fiscal crisis and Russian economic reform

It has become common to describe Russia as a state that has only achieved partial reform due to the influence of powerful economic forces, the ‘winners’ of economic reform, and to assume that the Russian state lacks autonomy. This paper questions how far reform in Russia has been compromised by the power of winners. The failure of economic reform between 1992 and 1998 is explained as a policy response by state officials unable to manage tendencies towards fiscal crisis because of the state's general helplessness in managing the Russian economy, rather than as a surrender of sovereignty to economic interests.     

The Liberal Left Opts for Terror

For a century, intellectual debate on political violence has been dominated by efforts to romanticize the extremist and to invest him with the aura of the altruistic “freedom fighter.” It is astonishing that in the post-9/11 era, the terrorist's image continues to remain habitually mystified and ennobled, while terror attacks are justified as self-defense. “Terrorist discourse” is indicative of the universality of the intellectual position of the Left with regard to terror, national discrepancies notwithstanding. The present article evaluates leftist liberals' attitudes towards terrorism in the 20th-century Russian Empire, Europe, the U.S., and especially Israel—one of the epicenters of terrorism today. The article proposes to examine psychological responses to terrorism in conjunction with a range of contemporary reactions to threats, acknowledged or displaced with an assortment of mental constructs and rationalizations.     

Universal soldiers or parochial actors: Understanding jihadists as products of their environments

ABSTRACT

Why did the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and Jabhat al-Nusra (JN)—two groups that shared similar ideological preferences and were both initially part of the Al Qaeda network—take different paths in the Syrian conflict? Part of the answer lies in the fact that JN is primarily a Syrian organization, whereas Iraqis lead ISIS. A jihadist group’s relationship to its country of origin and domicile (the two are not always the same) helps to explain that organization’s ideological preferences and alliance behavior. Yet no method of categorization based on jihadist-state relations exists. I fill this gap by theorizing an explanatory typology based on a jihadist group’s relationship with its country of origin and/or domicile. This typology consists of two tiers. The first classifies jihadist organizations based on whether they are nationally homogeneous or heterogeneous, and whether they are based in their country of origin, exile, or multiple locations. The second tier categorizes groups based on the nature of their engagement—collaborative, belligerent, or neutral—with a state. This new typology enables the generation of multiple hypotheses and has practical implications given that most U.S. counterterrorism efforts require cooperation from partner nations.