首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1994篇
  免费   56篇
各国政治   57篇
工人农民   47篇
世界政治   60篇
外交国际关系   72篇
法律   638篇
中国共产党   44篇
中国政治   222篇
政治理论   198篇
综合类   712篇
  2023年   8篇
  2022年   16篇
  2021年   31篇
  2020年   50篇
  2019年   29篇
  2018年   32篇
  2017年   35篇
  2016年   31篇
  2015年   38篇
  2014年   120篇
  2013年   166篇
  2012年   145篇
  2011年   137篇
  2010年   141篇
  2009年   133篇
  2008年   145篇
  2007年   165篇
  2006年   164篇
  2005年   125篇
  2004年   117篇
  2003年   73篇
  2002年   61篇
  2001年   43篇
  2000年   31篇
  1999年   7篇
  1997年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   3篇
  1987年   1篇
  1983年   1篇
排序方式: 共有2050条查询结果,搜索用时 472 毫秒
81.
Do voters’ assessments of the government's foreign policy performance influence their vote intentions? Does the ‘clarity of responsibility’ in government moderate this relationship? Existing research on the United States demonstrates that the electorate's foreign policy evaluations influence voting behaviour. Whether a similar relationship exists across the advanced democracies in Europe remains understudied, as does the role of domestic political institutions that might generate responsibility diffusion and dampen the effect of foreign policy evaluations on vote choice. Using the attitudinal measures of performance from the 2011 Transatlantic Trends survey collected across 13 European countries, these questions are answered in this study through testing on incumbent vote the diffusion‐inducing effects of five key domestic factors frequently used in the foreign policy analysis literature. Multilevel regression analyses conclude that the electorate's ability to assign punishment decreases at higher levels of responsibility diffusion, allowing policy makers to circumvent the electoral costs of unpopular foreign policy. Specifically, coalition governments, semi‐presidential systems, ideological dispersion among the governing parties and the diverse allocation of the prime ministerial and foreign policy portfolios generate diffusion, dampening the negative effects of foreign policy disapproval on vote choice. This article contributes not only to the debate on the role of foreign policy in electoral politics, but also illustrates the consequential effects of domestic institutions on this relationship.  相似文献   
82.
This article explores youth activism in the US, not through the lens of collective action, but as the product of personal choices. By drawing on existentialism, and particularly on the work of Jean-Paul Sartre, this article proposes to shift the focus of the debate from youths’ collective action to the self – a conscious self that observes, perceives and makes sense of the surrounding world through personal experience. It is this conscious self that decides how, and whether, to intervene against the ‘wrong’ that the self experiences. In this perspective, it is not only the acts (of citizenship) that matter, but the conscious process through which the self chooses to become political. Such an understanding will ultimately help uncover not only how the undocumented act and how to conceptualise their acts but also how they perceive and experience their current status and who they want to become.  相似文献   
83.
This article aims to inform the long‐standing and unresolved debate between voluntary corporate social responsibility and initiatives to impose binding legal obligations on multinational enterprises. The two approaches share a common feature: neither can fully specify its own scope conditions, that is, how much of the people and planet agenda either can expect to deliver. The reason they share this feature is also the same: neither is based on a foundational political analysis of the multinational enterprise in the context of global governance. Such an analysis is essential for providing background to and perspective on what either approach can hope to achieve, and how. This article begins to bridge the gap by illustrating aspects of the political power, authority, and relative autonomy of the contemporary multinational enterprise. The conclusion spells out some implications for the debate itself, and for further research.  相似文献   
84.
The rich and complex recent International Political Sociology (IPS) literature on state recognition has completely ignored the process of de-recognition. The present article uses the case study of Taiwan’s efforts to preserve its ‘diplomatic allies’ in the Caribbean in order to fill this gap. Taking advantage of the IPS development of the constitutive theory of recognition, it introduces and analyses the concept of state de-recognition while emphasizing the deep contradiction between present international law principles and the political reality of national identity building as well as the de-linking of political science and international law understandings of recognition made possible by the progress of the constitutive theory. De-recognition is perceived as resulting in a hierarchical relationship between recognized and de-recognized political entities that is arbitrary and ethically questionable as it ultimately reflects the denial of the right to self-determination of peoples.  相似文献   
85.
美日同盟是美国维持亚太秩序的重要基石,也是日本外交政策的基轴,随着中国的崛起,美日双方已然意识到原有的同盟框架难以应对来自中国的挑战。为此,美日通过制订新的《美日防卫合作指针》,强化美日同盟,加强双方在全球范围内的安全合作。然而,美日安全合作同时也面临着质疑与否定,在美日两国内,长期以来一直存在着对美日同盟的争论。未来美日安全合作将如何发展,不仅取决于日本的安全感知,更取决于美国在国内国际新形势下将会采取的战略。由于美国新任总统特朗普一以贯之的对日负面认知,使得日本政府和国民对于特朗普的对日政策不抱期待。然而,特朗普上台后并不会撤走驻日美军,更不会让美日同盟解体,同时,商人出身的特朗普并不反对自由贸易,其反对的是无法贯彻其意志的自由贸易。因此,在特朗普总统任期中,其特有的个性和自信,将会使未来美国的对日政策打上"特式"烙印,这为美日关系的发展增加了许多不确定因素,美日同盟可能面临新的危机。  相似文献   
86.
现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。  相似文献   
87.
本文旨在以第13届国会选举之后马来西亚政治、经济、社会诸领域的状况为主要依据,对作为意象的马来西亚国家和作为实践的马来西亚国家进行考察,进而展开以下两方面的论证:(1)马来西亚国家各组成部分的实践过程如何形塑着马来西亚国家的主导原则与主导功能;(2)马来西亚国家建构与政治制度化的不足及其出路。  相似文献   
88.
Free will is the foundation of determination of responsibility. Genetic enginnering represented by technologies of gene editing, artificial medical devices and AI have fundamentally challenged the concept of free will and so have significantly influenced determination of legal responsibility. These challenges are fundamental, not instrumental, and can be divided into two aspects in legal philosophy. First, the direct challenge, that is, the emerging technology represented by genetic engineering and artificial narrow intelligence (ANI) has challenged the concept of free will. Second the would-be ultimate challenge, that is, presented by an artificial general intelligence (AGI) agent that is considered to reach humanlevel free will, can be a legal subject, thus taking full legal responsibility. The direct challenge constitutes a new “forgiveness” condition for taking responsibility. The would-be ultimate challenge deserves significant attention, because the concept of free will is not only about human responsibility, but also about human dignity.  相似文献   
89.
美国纽约州"执法认证项目"经过多年的发展,已经具备了一整套较为成熟的警察机构评估标准和程序,为美国各州司法行政管理部门所借鉴。对纽约州"执法认证项目"的历史沿革、内容及特点进行分析,能够为我国的警察机构评估体系提供有益借鉴。  相似文献   
90.
正AS local government debts pile up,there are concerns about the effects on the Chinese and world economy.To evaluate the risk posed by such debts,the State Council in 2011 and 2013 instructed the National Audit Off ice to comprehensively examine the debt status of regional government bodies.The two audits–one  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号