全文获取类型
收费全文 | 954篇 |
免费 | 44篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 74篇 |
工人农民 | 16篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 74篇 |
法律 | 247篇 |
中国共产党 | 21篇 |
中国政治 | 91篇 |
政治理论 | 141篇 |
综合类 | 279篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 21篇 |
2020年 | 45篇 |
2019年 | 27篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 33篇 |
2016年 | 40篇 |
2015年 | 28篇 |
2014年 | 48篇 |
2013年 | 114篇 |
2012年 | 61篇 |
2011年 | 52篇 |
2010年 | 47篇 |
2009年 | 45篇 |
2008年 | 69篇 |
2007年 | 69篇 |
2006年 | 61篇 |
2005年 | 48篇 |
2004年 | 49篇 |
2003年 | 36篇 |
2002年 | 25篇 |
2001年 | 19篇 |
2000年 | 13篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有998条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
151.
ABSTRACTSince the end of the East–West divide in the 1990s, the world has slowly lost its US-based unipolarity to globalisation, and a shift towards East Asia. This phenomenon has given more space to middle powers and furthered the embeddedness of the political, economic, and cultural spheres into the dynamics of social structures. It is highly visible when observed from the digital communication standpoint, which has become pervasive. In this context, the study of international power has moved towards the concept of soft power, which remains a fuzzy concept concerning ‘who’ and ‘what’. We define power as a continuum, in which various types of public and private actors carry out different types of coercive to cooptive actions in various but embedded spheres. We propose an empirically tractable conceptual framework that we use as a tool to analyse soft power within a hard-to-soft power spectrum, in which the articulation, dynamics and incremental nature of soft power become observable. We illustrate our point with the case study of South Korean power in Indonesia in the twenty-first century and draw conceptual as well as practical conclusions. 相似文献
152.
当前社交媒体的应用与普及掀起了恐怖主义活动的新浪潮,有着交互性、社区化特征的社交媒体在招募人员、传播极端思想及策划恐怖袭击方面有着天然优势。以"伊斯兰国"运用社交媒体进行恐怖活动为例,该文探讨了社交媒体的特性、在恐怖组织中扮演的角色以及我国公安机关在社交媒体时代下恐怖主义蔓延采取的应对策略,以期更好地应对反恐新难题。 相似文献
153.
Georgia Oman 《Women's history review》2020,29(2):308-330
ABSTRACTIn 1892, the Senate of the University College of North Wales in Bangor conducted an enquiry into the behaviour of Frances Hughes, Lady Principal of the women’s hall of residence, for defamatory remarks she had made about one of her students. Her accusations instigated a scandal that rocked the provincial college to its core, led to two separate libel lawsuits, and was even mentioned in the House of Lords. Using the ‘Bangor College Scandal’ as a case study, this article explores how student life in the new civic universities of the late-nineteenth century was shaped by regulation and supervision, as university authorities sought to avoid controversy through limiting mixed-gender interaction. It will argue that this control was often manifested in spatial terms, enabled by the deliberate design and arrangement of university spaces. 相似文献
154.
空间环境孕育和成就了文化,具有代表性的在地文化沉淀下来后,则成为环境的象征符号并反作用于空间环境。在设计少数民族传统文化在空间和环境中新的活动、形式乃至构成体系时,必须充分考虑尊重少数民族传统文化所生发的土壤,观照少数民族传统文化艺术形式的特征,尊重以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化的历史文脉与当地空间环境交互的特点,才能使黔北傩戏的活力在新的时代焕发新的光彩。在开辟新的黔北傩戏传承思路时,应当以当代黔北傩戏的发展需求为要义,创造一个满足当代人对以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化加深交互、产生需求的环境,利用当代媒介环境的需求来启发社会活动,并塑造与人的需求、文化的发展需求相适应的环境和空间。 相似文献
155.
Darren Byler 《Central Asian Survey》2018,37(2):191-207
Over the past two decades, state-directed Han settlement and capitalist development in the Uyghur homeland in Chinese Central Asia have uprooted thousands of Uyghurs, causing them to move to the city. In this article, I explore how low-income male Uyghur migrants and Uyghur culture producers build a durable existence despite these challenges. Based on analysis of migrant responses to the Uyghur-language urban fiction and indigenous music as well as ethnographic observations of Uyghur migrants from Southern Xinjiang, I argue that indigenous knowledge provides underemployed male Uyghurs a means to refuse the alienating effects of settler colonialism and economic development. By broadening the scope of what counts as ‘resistance’ to Chinese attempts to eliminate aspects of Uyghur society, I show that ‘refusal’ can be a generative way of embodying sovereignty, particularly when confronted by structural violence. 相似文献
156.
Obert Hodzi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):191-206
Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. 相似文献
157.
Katharina PW Döring 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2018,25(1):61-82
ABSTRACTThis article focuses on interventions by the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau and Mali. In the literature, these are often approached in a ‘top-down’ manner, focusing on formal institutions, not accounting for the complex dynamics in and around conflict intervention. This article argues that adopting space as an analytical lens allows new ways to address these issues. It highlights how interventions by different actors and their interactions are influenced by spatial perceptions and framings, which result in the making of different ‘spaces of intervention’ through different practices. The two described here, ‘scaling’ and ‘establishing reach’, enable strategic and continuous formation and negotiation of spaces for action, according to actors’ needs and interests. Thus, shedding light on specific actors and their practices, the article contributes to a better understanding of the complex dynamics in conflict intervention in West Africa. 相似文献
158.
Defining Environmental Justice Communities for Regulatory Enforcement: Implications from a Block‐Group‐Level Analysis of New York State
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《政策研究评论》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Jiaqi Liang 《政策研究评论》2016,33(6):666-685
The absence of a clear definition of environmental justice areas has been cited as one of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's major deficiencies in managing federal environmental justice programs. Several states have explicitly defined potential environmental justice areas and integrated targeted efforts into the policy‐making process. At the block‐group level, this study evaluates the effects of New York State's environmental justice policy, which defines communities of concern in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as mandates supplemental regulatory enforcement activities for these neighborhoods, on the agency's policy implementation practices under the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act. The empirical findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence regarding race/ethnicity‐ and class‐based environmental inequity. Also, the state's policy intervention is not universally effective. Moreover, task environments of a given community are a consistent determinant of the agency's regulatory compliance monitoring and assurance activities. This study then derives broader implications regarding the adoption of a policy instrument that defines and screens potential environmental justice communities. 相似文献
159.
Vladimir Baranovsky 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(2):49-69
AbstractRussia’s predominantly suspicious and even negative attitudes toward R2P are closely related to its traditional attachment to the notion of sovereignty, but its reluctance to ‘bless’ the use of force with R2P also serves as a pretext to cover various instrumental goals. Russia’s more assertive foreign policy has exacerbated this trend. Disagreements stem from differences between Russia and the West both in their conceptual approaches to security and in their assessments of specific cases. In particular, Russia has an existential concern over possible application of R2P by extra-regional actors in its immediate post-Soviet vicinity. However, in the conflicts around South Ossetia (2008) and Crimea / Southeastern Ukraine (2014-), there was a noticeable trend to refocus R2P-related arguments in support of Russia’s own actions. By and large, R2P continues to be perceived as a Western attempt to establish certain rules of behaviour which require caution and prudence. Nevertheless, more positive attitudes do not seem impossible. To play a prominent role in the evolving international system, Russia will have to make the R2P segment of its foreign policy more salient and overcome the lag in promoting this concept as a working tool indispensable for cooperative and responsible leadership. 相似文献
160.
European Law Beyond ‘Ever Closer Union’ Repositioning the Concept,its Thrust and the ECJ's Comparative Methodology
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《European Law Journal》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Armin von Bogdandy 《European Law Journal》2016,22(4):519-538
The article investigates competing understandings of European law. It supports, against the prevailing EU‐centred understanding, an ecumenical concept that embraces EU law, supplementing international instruments, the European Convention on Human Rights and, importantly, various domestic laws enacting or responding to such transnational law, as well as European comparative law. To keep the concept in sync with European politics, it posits a new idea that binds the parts together: to provide for a European legal space rather than further European integration (the ever closer union). This idea can also serve as European law's functional equivalent to forming one legal order. European law thus conceived grasps the puzzling complex of interdependent legal orders, sets a common frame for corresponding reconstructions (European composite constructions, legal pluralism, network theories, federalism or intergovernmentalism) and allows forces with diverging outlooks to meet in one legal field, on one more neutral disciplinary platform. Within this framework, European comparative law finds a new mission as well as a sound legal basis. 相似文献