法治化城市的内涵及其与现代化的关系

法治化城市建设是落实我依法治国方略的举措;法治化城市的价值意蕴与法治国家具有一致性,其本身就是法治国家的重要组成部分;地方法治化城市建设是因地制宜推进法治国建设有力举措,也为国家法治建设提供经验和参考。法治化城市是法治在地域范围内的具体体现,它是以国家宪法、法律为基础,以保障人权为目的,以制约权力为重点的,适合地方城市实际的治理模式和状态,它通过规范的地方权力运作和普遍的守法意识,实现城市政治文明、经济建设、文化事业、社会秩序、公共服务等方面的全面协调发展。因此,没有法治的城市也不能称之为现代化的城市。法治化城市是城市经济现代化的动力所在,城市政治现代化的根本保证,城市文化现代化的制度基础,有利于促成人的现代化。     

论职务犯罪中的自然人主体

职务犯罪主体包括自然人主体和单位主体两种。从现行法律规定看,职务犯罪自然人主体包括国家机关工作人员、以国家工作人员论的人员和受委托从事公务的人员三类。在司法实践中,对此三类人员的认定存在较大的分歧,尤其是其中对以国家工作人员论的人员的认定争议最大。     

空间碎片现状的国际法思考

空间碎片是指位于地球轨道上的非功能性人造物体,近年来其对人类的外空活动构成重大威胁。目前,关于空间碎片的立法尚不完善。文章对空间碎片问题的现状、涉及空间碎片致害的国际责任问题和空间碎片造成的空间环境污染问题的现行法律规定进行了探析,认为有必要明确空间碎片的概念界定,并从现行国际条约的局限性入手,对空间碎片作出系统的法律规制。     

中国农民组织化的发展空间研究——以北部湾经济区农民组织化为例

伴随着中国社会的深度转型进程,当前中国农村组织结构与农民组织方式发生了深刻变革。该文基于社会学的理论维度,以北部湾经济区农民组织化为例,着力从组织功能视角深入探讨社会转型期中国农民组织化的发展空间问题,以期更好地推进中国现代化建设进程。     

论侦查假说的三个支点

侦查假说是侦查人员在侦查破案过程中必不可少的思维方式。侦查假说具有多元性、层次性和开放性。侦查实践的终极目标是实现案件的侦破,侦查假说的正确与否决定着侦查工作的成败。侦查实践往往围绕侦查假说展开推理和论证。构建侦查假说,需要在时间层次、空间层次和人物层次之间进行综合考量,形成较完整的有关犯罪假说体系的三个支点。     

“It Was Like I Lost Everything”: The Harmful Impacts of Homeless-Targeted Policies

In response to housing crises across the country, many localities are implementing homeless-targeted policies that attempt to regulate public space by prohibiting sitting, lying, sleeping, and storing property in public places such as parks and sidewalks. We term these sociospatial control policies. Our research investigates the direct impacts of such policies in the city of Honolulu, which had become notorious for legal measures targeting homeless residents. We interviewed members of 70 households living in temporary shelters in public spaces, all of whom had experienced enforcement of city ordinances, such as receiving citations or being forcibly moved by city agents. Our data revealed three interconnected ways that enforcements of sit–lie and nuisance policies harmed homeless households. (a) Our respondents described feeling dehumanized and treated unfairly by city agents. We therefore argue that enforcement catalyzed both civic and social exclusion. (b) Second, the city’s confiscation of property spurred material hardship and posed obstacles to work, education, and access to services. And, finally, (c) respondents’ narratives revealed that enforcements provoked lasting worry, fear, anxiety, and despair.     

Taiwan in the Caribbean: a case study in state de-recognition

The rich and complex recent International Political Sociology (IPS) literature on state recognition has completely ignored the process of de-recognition. The present article uses the case study of Taiwan’s efforts to preserve its ‘diplomatic allies’ in the Caribbean in order to fill this gap. Taking advantage of the IPS development of the constitutive theory of recognition, it introduces and analyses the concept of state de-recognition while emphasizing the deep contradiction between present international law principles and the political reality of national identity building as well as the de-linking of political science and international law understandings of recognition made possible by the progress of the constitutive theory. De-recognition is perceived as resulting in a hierarchical relationship between recognized and de-recognized political entities that is arbitrary and ethically questionable as it ultimately reflects the denial of the right to self-determination of peoples.     

The geography of pre-criminal space: epidemiological imaginations of radicalisation risk in the UK Prevent Strategy, 2007–2017

ABSTRACT

This article explores geographical and epistemological shifts in the deployment of the UK Prevent strategy, 2007–2017. Counter-radicalisation policies of the Labour governments (2006–2010) focused heavily upon resilience-building activities in residential communities. They borrowed from historical models of crime prevention and public health to imagine radicalisation risk as an epidemiological concern in areas showing a 2% or higher demography of Muslims. However, this racialised and localised imagination of pre-criminal space was replaced after the election of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition in 2010. Residential communities were then de-emphasised as sites of risk, transmission and pre-criminal intervention. The Prevent Duty now deploys counter-radicalisation through national networks of education and health-care provision. Localised models of crime prevention (and their statistical, crime prevention epistemologies) have been de-emphasised in favour of big data inflected epistemologies of inductive, population-wide “safeguarding”. Through the biopolitical discourse of “safeguarding vulnerable adults”, the Prevent Duty has radically reconstituted the epidemiological imagination of pre-criminal space, imagining that all bodies are potentially vulnerable to infection by radicalisers and thus warrant surveillance.     

从韩国传统公私观看其近代民族国家建设问题

现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。     

社会中的马来西亚国家:意象与实践

本文旨在以第13届国会选举之后马来西亚政治、经济、社会诸领域的状况为主要依据,对作为意象的马来西亚国家和作为实践的马来西亚国家进行考察,进而展开以下两方面的论证:(1)马来西亚国家各组成部分的实践过程如何形塑着马来西亚国家的主导原则与主导功能;(2)马来西亚国家建构与政治制度化的不足及其出路。