The Ur-History of Media Space: Walter Benjamin and the Information Industry in Nineteenth-Century Paris

This essay is primarily concerned with Walter Benjamin’s analysis of the newspaper as a media space with reference to privatization of urban space, industrialization of public communication, and mediazation of public space in nineteenth-century Paris. I seek to show how the information industry brought about the fundamental changes in literary practice, intellectual activity, and the formation of a new social subject. I also demonstrate how Benjamin’s rich illustration of the complex dynamics of media space in the nineteenth century largely avoids the shortcomings of oversimplification embedded in the analysis of the bourgeois public sphere. In doing so, I argue Benjamin’s critical analysis that the newspaper provides a systematic framework by which to examine the intersection between the media space and the urban experience in a digital age.

儒家和谐治理观与国家治理的制度化--从制度文明视角扬弃传统和谐治理观

儒家和谐治理观对历史中国和现代东亚国家的巩固和发展起了重要作用,并可以为当今中国和谐社会的建设和国家治理提供可资借鉴的思想资源。但由于其存在着理论与制度不同构、制度资源太少的根本性缺陷,不能作为解决当今社会政治问题的现成方案。欲实现社会和谐和长治久安,必须重构现代治理观,走出重“政治人”建设轻政治制度建设的历史误区,开辟一条靠制度执政、靠制度治国的新路。制度建设和创新的核心是民主与法治,其中又以党和政府的制度改革为重点。对战略策略作出理性化的选择,则是制度变革成败的关键。     

The consequences of supply gaps in two-dimensional policy spaces for voter turnout and political support: The case of economically left-wing and culturally right-wing citizens in Western Europe

Parties with left-wing positions on economic issues and right-wing (i.e., authoritarian) positions on cultural issues have been historically largely absent from the supply side of the policy space of Western European democracies. Yet, many citizens hold such left-authoritarian issue attitudes. This article addresses the hypotheses that left-authoritarian citizens are less likely to vote, less satisfied with the democratic process and have lower levels of political trust when there is a left-authoritarian supply gap. Using data for 14 Western European countries from the European Social Survey 2008 in the main analysis, it is shown that left-authoritarians are less likely to vote and exhibit lower levels of satisfaction with democracy and political trust. A supplementary analysis of national election studies from Finland before and after the electoral breakthrough of the left-authoritarian True Finns Party in 2011 indicates that whether left-authoritarians participate less and believe less in the efficacy of voting is contingent on the presence of a strong left-authoritarian party. This study illuminates how constrained party supply in a two-dimensional policy space can affect voter turnout as well as political support, and has broader implications for the potential further rise of left-authoritarian challenger parties.     

Challenging Privatization: A Conceptual and Theoretical Argument

This is the second of a three-part polemic against the destruction of state owned enterprises in China (the first, “Against Privatization: A Historical and Empirical Argument”, is published in JCPS 13:1, 2008). It critically examines the ideology of privatization and argues for alternative guidelines of reform. The central contention is that a healthy market economy does not require domination of private property; rather it relies on apposite political-legal-ideological power and regulatory-monitoring regimes of accumulation and distribution socially legitimated within a given public culture. Rejecting the fallacies of ownership determinism and precision requirement on property rights for morality and efficiency, this essay clarifies distinction between the notion of exclusive properties and the vision of their socialized utility and management. Justifications for reforming state and private sectors alike in accordance with a unifying commons of social defense and feasibilities of innovative reform measures and policy proposals in that direction, will be elaborated in a third essay titled “Overcoming Privatization: A Strategic and Institutional Argument”.

Does appealability foster more citizen-friendly decisions at the street level?

Unbiased conduct is an essential part of the social contract between the state and its citizens. Yet, when tasked with settling disputes between citizens and other state officials, are public administrators truly impartial in their resolutions? Such a question is vital for street-level bureaucrats whom the public perceives as the face of governance. This study investigates the relations between the pro-citizen tendencies in street-level bureaucrats' resolutions, their internal appealability, and the discretionary space under which they are made. Using quantitative analysis of real-world lower-court rulings in Israeli tax disputes between 1980 and 2021, the research findings indicate that unregulated expansion of street-level bureaucrats' discretionary space relates to favoring the state's arguments in their resolutions and may impair procedural fairness. The findings also imply that regulation promoting citizens' right to appeal such resolutions within their agency, can increase street-level bureaucrats' pro-citizen tendencies and potentially counteract such outcomes.     

抗制国有资产流失犯罪对策研究

国有资产流失犯罪给我国国民经济的发展造成了巨大的损失,成为我国经济、政治安全的巨大障碍.从对我国国有资产流失犯罪的原因分析人手,提出双层国有资产流失犯罪抗制模式的构想,强调从国有资产监管体系的完善和国有资产法律体系的完善两个层次构建我国国有资产流失犯罪的预防控制体系.     

论"族群"建构与"民族国家"认同

本文首先解析了西方学者安德森的民族国家观,接着展示了中外学者对“族群”概念的各种解说,明晰了其学术及实践价值。在此基础上,阐明了将族群建构与民族国家认同关联在一起的现实意义,初步彰显了学术研究中固有的政治倾向性。     

澳大利亚网络安全战略的新内涵与新动向

澳大利亚致力于打造公私部门间"共同领导""共同责任""自我约束"和"自主治理"的网络安全治理新模式,以维护网络空间的安全与稳定、保证国家网络安全、实现数字经济效益的最大化。当前,澳大利亚的网络安全战略正处于转型期,特恩布尔政府在继承既有战略的基础上,对澳大利亚的网络安全战略进行了适时调整,包括增加对"印太地区"的网络安全投入、保持澳美网络安全战略的联动性、提高网络进攻能力以适应互联网军事化需要等。目前,网络空间无政府状态下中美权力的竞争态势正在加剧,澳大利亚的网络安全战略会带有一定的干预主义性质,并向"前沿防御"方向发展。受此影响,澳大利亚的对华网络安全政策可能会面临冲击。但是,中国与澳大利亚的网络安全合作仍在向前发展。虽然中澳网络安全合作仍处于起步阶段,但澳大利亚对中国建设网络强国持欢迎态度,愿意与中国就制定网络行为规范、维护网络空间秩序开展合作。     

西安坊上回族居住空间与言语社区的分化

居住空间的分化是族群内部分化的外部表征。20世纪90年代以来,西安坊上回族社区的居住空间分化为自建房和单元楼两种形式,并形成了相对独立的两个子社区。对调查数据的量化和质化分析发现,居住空间的重置引发了坊上回族社区语言使用和语言认知的分化,回族通过不同语言变体的选择及其价值判断,强化子社区内部的言语规范和身份认同。研究表明,从居住空间视角深入探索语言变体社会意义的演变,有助于揭示说话人新的身份认同的构建机制。     

Marianne’s liberty in jeopardy? A French analysis on recent counterterrorism legal developments

ABSTRACT

This article analyses two recent French counterterrorist legislations (Law No. 2016–386 – hereafter OCT&F law and the Law No 2017–1510 – hereafter the OCT&Flaw) through the lens of distinct yet complementary theoretical frameworks. Combining the State of Exception thesis of Giorgio Agamben, the Enemy Penology as framed by Günther Jakobs as well as the more recent scholarship contributions on Pre-Crime, the article seeks to contribute to the scholarly debate on the use and the consequences of the use of criminal and administrative law in the fight against terrorism. In view of the numerous terrorist attacks that France has faced in recent years, the article aims to provide deeper knowledge of the French case by drawing substantially from the unfamiliar French scholarship. The article argues that the measures recently adopted seem to deepen the exceptional and pre-emptive logic in which potentially dangerous subjects have to be identified as “the enemy” as soon as possible in order to then be contained and dealt with.