金融危机后的俄罗斯

普京治下的经济复苏,改善了俄罗斯的财政状况,提高了人民的生活水平,但没有使俄罗斯经济实现成功转型。全球金融危机暴露了俄罗斯经济状况的本质:普京八年的俄罗斯经济只是"恢复性增长",而非以投资和创新所驱动的可持续性增长,对能源仍然高度依赖。虽然危机之后俄经济有所恢复,但与能源价格上涨密切相关,其现代化进程任重道远。2012年之后的俄罗斯仍然将是一个缺少竞争力且严重依赖能源资源出口的国家。     

农地私有化、市场环境与俄罗斯农业发展

1991年俄罗斯私有化改革之后,农业进入了负增长期。其深层次原因是市场环境不利于农业发展,非均衡的通货膨胀使农产品价格相对偏低,农业生产成本上升,收益却不断下降。在这种情况下,理性的农业生产主体只能选择减少生产,俄罗斯不得不依靠进口农产品来满足国内消费需求。1998年金融危机改变了农业发展的市场环境,卢布汇率的大幅度贬值抑制了进口农产品对俄罗斯农业的冲击,国内市场环境也开始向有利于农业发展的方向转变,俄罗斯农业从此走上了复苏之路。基于这种分析,2008年金融危机能够继续改变农业贸易条件和卢布汇率,因而这次金融危机仍然有利于俄罗斯农业的发展。     

突破困境:从俄罗斯转轨以来公共危机管理看反危机措施

自俄罗斯转轨以来,国内频繁爆发公共危机,这给其经济、政治以及社会大众带来了巨大的灾难。普京政府在与危机作斗争的过程中苦心求索适合俄罗斯国情的公共危机管理的方法,在有效解决各种危机的同时也推进了俄罗斯经济转轨的顺利进行。从俄罗斯政府公共危机管理的特征,可深入探寻有利于制定、执行和完善反危机措施的有效方法。     

现代行政的正当性危机——兼论现代行政模式的转换

行政裁量以及行政立法权广泛兴起,改变了行政活动的依据,抽离了原来行政活动寄托于法律之上的民主因子,打破了传统形式法治要求下的行政正当性基础。寻求现代行政正当性基础,必须要摒弃传统的单一行政模式,寻求新的行政模式以克服正当性危机。参与式治理模式为现代行政提供了正当性基础。     

浅析我国政府危机管理能力的提升——以“512四川汶川大地震”抗震救灾为例

政府的危机管理能力是政府能力建设的重要内容。我国政府的危机管理能力建设具有以下特征：政府的危机意识不断增强;政府危机管理理念不断更新;危机管理法律化和制度化不断加强;地方应急管理方式不断多元化。在我国政府应对四川汶川大地震过程中,政府危机管理能力获得进一步提升,主要体现在：“以人为本”的执政理念进一步落实;危机处理机制更加快速高效;信息更加公开透明;危机管理更加全面系统;社会力量参与程度更高。     

Podemos and the Spanish political crisis

15 May 2011 marked the beginning of a major political and regime crisis in Spain. It has since passed through different stages – the last being the emergence of Podemos, which has become a major player in Spanish politics. The crisis of traditional mechanisms of political representation has become a crisis of hegemony of the ruling class, in the Gramscian sense of the term. The mass support for the ruling class and its traditional form of political representation has been withdrawn. This has led to an open situation with no clear outcome that can be read in terms of Walter Benjamin’s non-linear and deterministic sense of political and historical time.     

Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal

This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.     

Awakening the Sleeping Giant in Greece and Portugal? Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards EU Integration in Difficult Economic Times

This article explores the extent to which the economic crisis and political responses of the European Union (EU) to austerity policies have contributed to Euroscepticism in Greece and Portugal. We analyse attitudes towards the EU at both voter and elite levels using fresh and innovative data, and by comparing them with data from surveys conducted before the crisis we show assessments of austerity and the bailouts are feeding elite and voter Euroscepticism. In both countries there are signs of a crisis of representation with greater voter–elite incongruence in the representation of EU issues than before the bailout.     

The Impact of the Economic Crisis on the Ideological Space in Portugal and Greece: A Comparison of Elites and Voters

This work addresses the dimensions and content of ideological space in Portugal and Greece after the onset of the sovereign debt crisis and the imposition of austerity policies in the two countries. By examining both elite interviews and public opinion data, the article principally attempts to determine whether the economic crisis has created a new division in ideological space by cross-cutting or completely replacing older ones. In addition, we attempt to gauge the position of crisis-related issues relative to issue divides on European integration and globalisation which, up to now, have been dormant in Southern European countries.     

Campaign Individualisation before and after the Bailout: A Comparison between Greece and Portugal

The elections that took place in Greece and Portugal before and after the intervention of the so-called Troika allow us to examine to what extent the austerity period has affected the nature and style of electoral campaigns, especially in terms of individualisation. Our results show that campaigns in Greece and Portugal were quite different and that Greek candidates supported by the two main parties are more likely to emphasise their role. Yet the short-term impact of the crisis has been negligible, as there have been insignificant shifts in the communicative focus on the personalisation of the agendas and on the means used in the campaign after the intervention of the Troika.