Determinants of Extreme Right Reappearance in Cyprus: The National Popular Front (ELAM), Golden Dawn's Sister Party

The article focuses on the reappearance of the extreme right in Cyprus, with the aim of understanding the wider trends and local structural determinants that favoured its return. The research examines both the structure of opportunity favouring the reappearance of the extreme right—i.e. the current economic crisis and unemployment, the legitimacy crisis of the political and party systems, and the political and institutional context—and the way the extreme-right party (National Popular Front – ELAM) responded to these opportunities, capitalising on its special relationship with the Greek Golden Dawn. This paper will argue that the extreme right is the outgrowth of a systemic (economic and political) crisis, as well as a reflection of how Cypriot political actors regard and react to the extreme right's signatory issues.     

Introduction

Central Eastern Europe (further CEE) has been thoroughly reconstructed during nearly a quarter of century since the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the cold war. The CEE countries turned to the West for economic and technological advancement, for political and administrative models as well as for protection. The authors coming from eight different countries look at the place and role of the former member states of the Warsaw Pact in the new European and international constellation. This concept of CEE includes most pro-western states of the former ‘Eastern block’: the four countries of Central Europe (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) and the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). There were many tumultuous political developments in and around the region within the last decade, and especially during the last five years when the financial crisis started to take its toll. While the Atlantic link of Central and Eastern Europe is still strong, many commentators have pointed out its wearing strategic meaning. The balance between the focus on the USA and the EU has shifted in favour of Europe. However, this shift has rather been an incomplete one due to the region's own political and economic problems. The aim of this special issue is to analyse the new constellation by looking at the CEE countries themselves, at their ability to react and adapt, produce sound political strategies and act on as national actors: through bilateral ties, regional co-operation, NATO and the EU. Also, the main external actors - the USA, Russia and Germany - are looked at as they directly influence the way how the CEE countries shape their policies.     

The political obstacles to economic reform in North Korea: The ultra cautious strategy in comparative perspective

As a result of the financial crisis, some commentators see the reform process in the East Asian states as an outcome of the disciplining behaviour of financial markets that will lead to the emergence of a neoliberal form of capitalism. The Malaysian experience suggests, however, that progress to neoliberal forms of economic organization will not be inevitable, despite governments having to increasingly accommodate global markets. In Malaysia, the degree to which a neoliberal adjustment response could be embraced was limited by domestic political factors. First, the government needed to maintain the ethnic based distributive policy that favours ethnic Malays with material entitlements for reasons of state and regime security. Second, the state was not wholly insulated from a key social group that emerged as a result of the ethnic-based distributive policy, namely an elite Malay corporate group. A third reason was economic nationalism, a major component of Prime Minister Mahathir's vision for the country that stressed the building up of Malaysian corporations and conglomerates. Access to domestic sources of funds for adjustment and the centralization of power in the government, particularly in the office of the Prime Minister, facilitated this process of defending national economic arrangements, at least during the period in question. The limited liberalization of the ethnic based distributive policy did not, however, imply a shift in the ideological and policy agenda towards complete embrace of neoliberal norms and practices. The imposition of capital controls, although announced as a temporary measure to allow space for the government to pursue its preferred course of adjustment, further indicates that the commitment to free markets in Malaysia is instrumental. The Malaysian case suggests that movement towards neoliberal forms of economic organization as a result of the financial crisis may be limited and is not inevitable.     

转型期我国政治安全面临的威胁与挑战——“颜色革命”的启示

“颜色革命”是指近几年来在中亚诸国发生的、具有鲜明颜色标志的一系列“革命”。从实质上讲,“颜色革命”是一种非暴力的“革命”或“夺权”方式。我国与发生“颜色革命”的国家虽然在政治体制、经济状况、文化背景等方面有所不同,但同样面临着“西化”、“分化”的外部威胁,内部又处于社会矛盾凸显的社会转型期,因此存在着引发“颜色革命”的潜在威胁和可能性,对此必须给予高度重视。     

上海市政府应急机制和管理结构研究

随着经济一体化和信息全球化的步伐加快,上海将逐步建成国际经济、金融、贸易和航运中心之一。在这样大的背景下,上海的政治稳定和社会安定显得尤为重要。因此、上海市政府将政府应急管理机制的建设摆到应有位置,在坚持以人为本、以防为主、分级管理、平战结合、按照长期准备、重点建设等原则的基础上,建立统一指挥、规范有序、科学高效的灾害事故紧急处置体系,对有效提高政府的反应能力、处置效率,最大限度减少各类灾害事故带来的危害和损失具有重大意义。     

Perceptions of Teachers and Staff Regarding the Impact of the Critical Incident Stress Management (CISM) Model for School-Based Crisis Intervention

Abstract

The Critical Incident Stress Management (CISM) Model for crisis intervention was devloped for use with emergency service personnel. Research regarding the use of the CISM Model has been conducted among civilians and high-risk occupation groups with mixed results. The purpose of this study is to examine the effectiveness of the CISM Model for school-based crisis intervention as perceived by teachers and staff. This study compares baseline and CISM Model data over a five-year period. The results suggest that the CISM Model had a positive effect on teacher and staff perceptions of service delivery components (i.e., informing students, meeting with staff members), but no effect on perceptions of the impact of CISM on student outcomes.     

国际金融危机下西方社会震荡解析

归根到底由资本主义社会的基本矛盾运动所酿成的这次国际金融危机,又对当代资本主义造成了巨大的冲击,这种冲击遍及于其经济、政治、文化、社会和生态等各个方面。它引发的一波又一波社会震荡大体上分为五种类型：一是由危机造成的高失业率、经济衰退、政府紧缩财政措施所引发的罢工、抗议和骚乱;二是危机造成的经济低迷、失业率攀升,使西方极右势力得以把其反多元文化、反外来移民的情绪推向极端;三是危机造成的这种经济低迷、失业率攀升,又在西方国家的外来移民聚居区中埋下了街头骚乱的根子;四是危机激起了标志平民主义抗议的＂占领华尔街＂运动;五是美国等西方资本主义国家在国际金融危机期间的所作所为激起的独狼式恐怖袭击事件。这些震荡是资本主义的固有缺陷弊端在国际金融危机冲击下集中暴露的必然结果,因而即使在危机后幸存下来时它还将在一波又一波社会震荡中运行。     

俄罗斯发展战略演变的理论逻辑

俄罗斯社会经济发展战略演变包括两个内容:调整的历史和内在的逻辑。俄罗斯经济结构的继承性是分析问题的历史起点,经济发展的内在规律是经济发展战略调整要遵循的理论逻辑。作为经济现代化的基础性制度保障,相对于技术工艺层面的创新,市场经济体制的完善更加重要,这不仅带来资源配置效率的提升,同时提出了保障市场经济体制有效运行的市场强化型政府的要求,由此更推动了国家的全面现代化。     

东南亚国家核能发展战略与新动向分析

随着国际油价不断上涨以及能源需求的日渐扩大,东南亚国家将目光转向了核能,泰国、印尼、越南、马来西亚、菲律宾、缅甸甚至柬埔寨等国都相继提出了核能发展战略,并计划于2015年建成东南亚第一座核电站。但这些国家对核能的监管等能力受到东盟内外的质疑,尤其是日本福岛核电站危机后,东盟国家的核能开发战略以及与此相关的环境安全等问题引起全球的关注。东盟国家的核能开发战略可能放缓,但这些国家的核能开发计划不会完全停止。