诗琳通-中泰人民的友好使者

中泰友好关系源远流长,两国人民之间有亲戚般的深厚友谊.自1975年建交以来,中泰两国传统友好关系得到了全面发展.中泰关系堪称不同社会制度国家睦邻友好和互利合作的典范.诗琳通公主是中国人民熟悉的老朋友,23年里18次访华,走遍了神州大地.由于公主殿下对中国的历史、语言、文化具有浓厚的兴趣和较深的造诣,先后出版了十几部关于中国的著作,并翻译了大量的中国诗词和小说,为促进中国语言和文化在泰国的传播发挥了不可替代的作用,为促进中泰两国人民的相互了解和传统友谊作出了重要贡献,是一位杰出的中泰友好使者.在泰国王室的高度重视和亲自推动下,手足情深的中泰传统友谊和友好合作关系在21世纪一定会有更美好的前景,并将永远发扬光大,世代相传.     

泰国古籍有关云南洱海、澜沧江及河蛮的传说

泰国古籍中有关于云南洱海、澜沧江及河蛮的记载。虽然这些记载主要还是历史传说,但这些记载从侧面反映出泰族先民在古代可能和洱海发生过关系,甚至可能在南诏国建立前曾在洱海一带居住过。虽然忽必烈平大理并未迫使泰族南迁,但这不等于泰族不是或不可能是南迁的。有关河蛮太子率领百姓南迁建立庸那迦国的传说,就可能是泰族南迁的反映之一。     

Social movements and political opposition in contemporary Thailand

Abstract

There is an underlying optimism in much of the literature that considers the emergence of social movements as being associated with deepening processes of democratization. The expansion of civil society is seen to expand political space. This paper takes a critical lens to this perspective, using recent political events in Thailand as a case study of the political strategies and alliances of social movements. We examine the debates that saw many social movements and their leaderships initially support elected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai Party only to see this support drain away as these same movements called on their followers to bring down the government. More importantly, we examine how these movements came to ally with conservative forces associated with the palace and military. Based on the Thai case study, we suggest that these seemingly unlikely outcomes result from the very nature of social movements. Leadership by middle-class activists, the need for alliances, the development of networks, and a focus on single issues and identities leads social movements to make substantial political compromises. The consequences can be negative for democratic development.     

International Production Networks,Clusters, and Industrial Upgrading: Evidence from Automotive and Hard Disk Drive Industries in Thailand

This paper illustrates the role of international production networks (IPNs) and industrial clusters (ICs) in the upgrading process with a view to gain a better understanding of their upgrading experiences. This can shed some light on the ongoing debate regarding the relative importance of IPNs and ICs and their implications for prudential industrial policy. The automotive and hard disk drive (HDD) industries in Thailand are chosen as case studies because their outstanding export performance in the world market in the past two decades suggests their success in industrial upgrading. Nonetheless, these two industries differ in their modes of networking. In the former, industrial clustering has been observed and has reached a level where the local content of a locally manufactured vehicle is approaching 100 percent. For the latter, industrial clustering has naturally occurred and reached a certain level, while IPNs still play a crucial role. This result suggests the possibility of coexistence between IPNs and ICs. The observed industrial clustering in the HDD industry in the later stage also shows that ICs would be a developmental outcome rather than a precondition of technological upgrading. The choice between IPNs and ICs should be a private sector decision, driven by the economic fundamentals.The public sector should focus on strengthening the supply‐side capabilities of local firms as well as creating an investment climate to further promote upgrading activities.     

泰傣民族历史文化发展和面临的挑战:一个宏观比较

泰、傣是同源异流的民族。作为百越族群的分支, 泰、傣民族有着共同的族源。在古代漫长的历史发展中, 泰、傣民族在传统文化方面形成了许多共同的和相似的地方, 尤其是在语言、传统习俗和宗教方面, 但作为生活在不同国家的民族, 其历史和文化发展也有不少不同之处。近代泰、傣民族的发展在近代化进程及其对文化的影响方面更是呈现出较大的不同之处。在经历了战后50多年的发展后, 当代泰、傣民族的文化和发展面临现代化对传统、全球化对民族化等重大而又类似的挑战。     

Thailand’s Deep State,Royal Power and the Constitutional Court (1997–2015)

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the network monarchy approach and advocates for the use of the concept of Deep State. The Deep State also has the monarchy as its keystone, but is far more institutionalised than the network monarchy accounts for. The institutionalised character of the anti-democratic alliance is best demonstrated by the recent use of courts to hamper the rise of electoral politics in a process called judicialisation of politics. This article uses exclusive material from the minutes of the 1997 and 2007 constitution-drafting assemblies to substantiate the claim that the Deep State used royalists’ attempts to make the Constitutional Court a surrogate king for purposes of its own self-interested hegemonic preservation.     

Thaksin Shinawatra and the reshaping of Thai politics

Twice elected prime minister of Thailand at the head of his Thai Rak Thai Party, telecommunications magnate Thaksin Shinwatra was controversial in office. Since his government was overthrown by a September 2006 military coup backed by the palace, conservatives, and a broad coalition of opponents, Thaksin has remained at the centre of Thailand's continuing political turmoil. This paper examines his political legacy, both in its positive and negative forms, through a focus on the nature of political parties and electoral policies in Thailand; the role of business interests in politics; the impact of Thaksin's politics on political activism and mobilisation; populism, social welfare, and the reaction of the middle class to welfare politics; Thaksin's confrontation with the elite and the monarchy; and the developing judicialisation of politics.     

When the Walls Come Crumbling Down: The Monarchy and Thai-style Democracy

Although many people date critical commentary on the Thai monarchy to Paul Handley's explosive biography The King Never Smiles: A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej, this article demonstrates the existence of a consistently critical body of work, in the English language, that emerged contemporaneously with the king's growing stature from the 1980s. It also considers the conditions that have led to wider and more vocal criticisms since the coup of 2006. The primary focus is an exploration of new contributions to this critical commentary by the authors of the edited collection Saying the Unsayable: Monarchy and Democracy in Thailand. It identifies tensions across the chapters, including different emphases on liberalism and conservatism, and on the symbolic functioning of the monarchy.     

Edgy Amity along the Mekong: Thai-Lao Relations in a Transforming Regional Equilibrium

Abstract

In 1994, the opening of the Friendship Bridge commenced an apparent thawing of ties between Thailand and Lao People's Democratic Republic (PDR). Out of deep socio-historical antagonisms and Cold War acrimony, the two countries seemed suited now for amity. But amity has continued to be edgy. Meanwhile, other countries in the region—China and Vietnam—vie for influence with Thailand over Lao. Amidst a rapidly integrating Mekong market and changing regional equilibrium, this study seeks answers to the following questions: What are the most significant Thai-Lao state security interests and how do they mesh with human security—especially in relation to economic interests? Why do Thailand and Lao currently appear to be highlighting economic ties to the detriment of military preparedness and human security? How is the shifting equilibrium in the Mekong Region shaping the future of Thai-Lao relations? The study hypothesizes that despite tensions, in an age of enhanced state-market linkages, Thailand and Lao prioritize economic collaboration over military and human security considerations.