Reporting beyond the pale: UK news discourse on drones in Pakistan

This article on drone strikes in Pakistan offers a distinctive empirical case study for critical scholarship of counterterrorism. By asking how cosmopolitanism has developed through UK news discourse, it also provides a constructivist contribution to the literature on drones. I argue that UK news discourse is not cosmopolitan because it focuses on risk and places the Other beyond comprehension. US–UK networked counterterrorism operations have complicated accountability, and while a drive for certainty promoted more scrutiny of policy, news media outlets, academics and activists turned to statistical and visual genres of communication that have inhibited understanding of the Other.     

英国高等教育创新的政策与实践及其启示

开拓创新是一个国家发展和兴盛的必要条件，作为知识经济时代创新的重要策源地，高等教育在整个创新体系中起着至关重要的作用。在英国，创新一直备受重视，政府从20世纪末就开始从宏观上进行一系列规划，并于近年明确提出了建设“创新国家”的目标。在这些宏观政策的鼓舞下，英国高等教育机构做出了积极反应，在微观层面积极践行创新国家的理念。通过对政府宏观政策和高校微观实践的分析，可以发现前者并非后者的充分条件，高等教育创新，更多的是一个政策扶持下的自发过程。这对我国目前大力推进的各项高等教育创新工作无疑具有重要启示。     

英国行政裁判所制度经验：对我国行政复议制度修改的思考

英国行政裁判所通过调整以适用英国社会、经济的发展变化,彰显行政裁判所的制度优势,特别是2007年《裁判所、法院和执行法》颁布后,英国行政裁判所在性质、组织、管辖、程序以及监督机关等方面具有更加突出的特点。英国行政裁判所经验对完善我国行政复议制度具有借鉴意义,行政复议法律制度修改需要适应我国社会、经济快速发展变化的需求,发挥行政复议制度优势,保障行政复议组织独立性和裁决公正性。     

英国法上影子董事制度评述

英国《1980年公司法》正式使用“影子董事”一词，《1985年公司法》始有标准定义，并在《1986年公司董事资格剥夺法》、《1986年金融服务法》以及《1986年破产法》中进行相关规定。Re Tasbian Ltd（No．3）Official Receiver诉Nixon等典型判例反映了对影子董事定义的理解与使用。影子董事虽然不是董事，但依靠其在公司中的“地位”却能够指挥公司行为之人，如果其实际上进行了指挥，即应承担董事责任。从司法实践来看，影子董事责任主要出现于公司破产或无力偿付阶段，对于保护债权人利益具有积极意义。影子董事制度在保护公司债权人权益上确有其独到之处，我国相关立法、司法操作可资参考。     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.     

So far away from me? The effect of geographical distance on representation

Legislators face numerous trade-offs with regard to how to spend their time. One factor is, however, beyond their control: the distance between their constituency and the legislature. A more distant constituency implies increased travel, which decreases the time available for activities within the legislature itself, while also raising the possibility of centre–periphery dynamics in representation. Previous work has found that as distance between constituency and legislature increases, so does constituency focus, but it has not established why this is. This article explores the impact of geographical remoteness on representational activity, analysing a dataset of parliamentary activity in the British House of Commons (2005–2015), showing that the more remote an MP’s constituency, the less likely that MP is to attend votes, while being more likely to sign Early Day Motions. The article further shows that this is most likely driven by a centre–periphery dynamic rather than simply being a response to longer travel time.     

互联网对英国陪审制的挑战初探——以福蕾尔案为例

2011年英国公民福蕾尔在担任一件毒品案件审判的陪审团成员时因违法使用互联网接洽被告、搜索被告信息而被控藐视法庭罪，成为英国第一个因在案件审理期间滥用互联网被判刑的陪审员。该事件发生后轰动了英国司法界，互联网对英国陪审系统带来的冲击开始被关注，成为英国陪审制发展上的一个新难题。，分析互联网对英国陪审制的挑战及其原因，找到英国陪审制的出路，正确借鉴其成功经验为我国的司法审判制度改革所用尤为重要     

What Future for the Ombudsman?

The ombudsman institution, in both the public and private sectors, is increasingly identified with the ethos of consumerism and the protection of consumer rights. The current trend is exemplified and reinforced by the EU ADR Directive and by the government response to a recent inquiry into complaints conducted by the Public Administration Select Committee. This article argues that the dominant consumerist ethos diminishes the ability of the ombudsman institution to fulfil its potential. If the ombudsman institution, in particular as manifest in the office of the UK Parliamentary Ombudsman, is to serve the public interest, it must instead promote human rights principles and constitutional morality, adopt a process that is marked by public reasoning and participation and seek by a whole‐system approach to realise a vision that is integrated and truly democratic.     

State transformation goes nuclear: Chinese National Nuclear Companies’ expansion into Europe

Abstract

Most of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania.     

Britain Returns to the Indian Ocean?

This article considers how far the UK is returning to an ‘East of Suez’ role in the Indian Ocean. A threefold structure is taken based on past, current and future aspects of this role. The first section (‘past’) considers the Indian Ocean as a British Lake and the announced withdrawal from East of Suez that was announced in the early 1970s. The second section (‘present’) looks at the various bases, facilities and partnerships that the UK has around and across the Indian Ocean with Bahrain, Oman, Gulf of Aden, Somaliland, Diego Garcia (and the United States), India, Malaysia and Singapore (including the Five Power Defence Agreements), Australia and China. The third section (‘future’) considers likely post-BREXIT decisions facing the UK in the Indian Ocean with regard to its projected naval assets and political choices across the region. It finds there is some substance behind the rhetoric on a British return to the area.