优化第三部门与政府关系 促进第三部门发展——以“资源依赖”理论为视角

＂资源依赖＂理论是考察第三部门与政府资源互依关系的有效理论工具。运用这一理论分析我国第三部门与政府的关系可以发现,我国政府对第三部门的态度仍然是＂防范控制＂优先于＂扶持发展＂,而后者的应对策略则是＂自我节制＂、＂非制度化生存＂与＂自我异化＂,这在很大程度上影响了第三部门的发展,因此,急需优化两者之间的关系。优化的途径主要包括：转变对第三部门发展的观念、加强第三部门与政府的合作、优化第三部门的制度环境等。     

Sources of Power in Public Negotiations: A Framework Applied to Public-Public and Public-Private Negotiations

The negotiation literature has extensively examined the topic of power and how it can be wielded. Numerous frameworks have been created and utilized in the various treatises on negotiations; analyzing the power differential in any given situation is a common teaching technique. However, despite this focus on the topic, discussions of power have been mainly focused on negotiations in the private sector. As a result, many of the most common frameworks are oriented toward this type of situation, resulting in a clumsy application to a public-sector negotiation. Given the growing importance of negotiations to public-sector leaders, we provide a new structure for analyzing power that can be utilized in such situations. For a municipal leader confronted with a complex public-private partnership, it is important to have the right tools to use when examining the power dynamics at play. After examining several current models of power, as well as other writings on the topic in negotiation and strategy literature, we present a new model. This model divides power into different categories based on whether it stems from formal or informal mechanisms, and then offers several specific forms relevant to the public sector. We then use this new model to examine a case study involving the new mayor of Manchester, New Hampshire and her efforts to negotiate a better response to the opioid and homelessness crisis. This case study illustrates the unique nature of public sector negotiations and provides a roadmap for negotiators looking to use our new framework.     

Doctrine and Decision: Navigating Labour's New Constitutional Position in the Lords

The 2015–17 Parliament was the first time in history that the Conservatives were in government with no easily assembled majority in the House of Lords. This has fundamentally altered the role that Labour is able to play in the Lords and, conversely, that peers are able to play in the Labour party. Yet the political significance of this situation has not yet been fully appreciated by a party which remains culturally antagonistic and constitutionally wary of the Lords. In this paper, we draw on interviews with Labour peers, particularly the late Baroness Hollis of Heigham, who have been able to use the essentially conservative powers of the Lords for social democratic ends. We suggest that the Labour party needs to incorporate the second chamber into both its practical and symbolic politics, and to find ways to use this new source of constitutional power without accommodating to it.     

Political support among winners and losers: Within- and between-country effects of structure,process and performance in Europe

Why is the winner-loser gap in political support wider in some countries and narrower in others? Previous studies have focused on how the input side of political systems (i.e., the institutional structure) affects the winner-loser gap. This study suggests that one should also consider the output side (i.e., the quality of political process and economic performance) and posits that two mechanisms – rational and psychological – can explain how output factors affect the gap. Going beyond previous research, this article also considers whether contextual characteristics explain the variation in the gap not only between countries, but also within them. Applying mixed models to survey data from 30 European countries between 2002 and 2015, the study finds that the differences in support between winners and losers across countries are smaller in consensual systems, as in these contexts the support among losers is higher. However, changes in the institutional structure do not explain the over-time variation in the winner-loser gap. Moreover, increasing quality of process and economic performance do not attenuate the gap across countries and over time, as they affect positively the political support of both winners and losers. The study shows which contextual factors explain the winner-loser gap and points to the conditions that increase losers’ consent, which is a crucial element of democratic legitimacy.     

Entering the men's domain? Gender and portfolio allocation in European governments

While all government portfolios used to be the purview of men exclusively, more and more women are selected to sit around the cabinet table. But under which circumstances do women get appointed to different ministerial portfolios? This article, proposes a theoretical framework to consider how party leaders’ attitudes and motivations influence the allocation of portfolios to male and female ministers. These propositions are tested empirically by bringing together data on 7,005 cabinet appointments across 29 European countries from the late 1980s until 2014. Considering the key partisan dynamics of the ministerial selection process, it is found that women are significantly less likely to be appointed to the ‘core’ offices of state, and ‘masculine’ and ‘neutral’ policy areas. However, these gender differences are moderated by the ideology of the party that allocates them. Women are more likely to be appointed to ‘masculine’ portfolios when a party's voters have more progressive gender attitudes. This theoretical framework and analysis enhances our understanding of women's access to the government, which has important implications for how ministers are selected, as well as how women are represented in the most powerful policy-making positions in Europe.     

我国对外经济发展方式的战略转变

近些年来,我国经济发展不仅取得了举世瞩目的成就,同时也加快了我国经济发展方式的转变,增强了综合国力,获得了极大的经济效益。但是现阶段,在我国对外经济发展方式转变的过程中,在制度环境和经济环境的角度等方面,仍然存在一系列的问题。分析我国对外经济发展方式的特点,探索我国对外经济发展方式存在的问题和转变的制约因素,总结我国对外经济发展方式转变的战略选择,对我国对外经济发展方式的战略转变进行研究有一定的理论价值。     

The Bordered World of Cross-border Cooperation: The Determinants of Local Government Contact Networks within Euroregions

The article discusses the determinants of local government contact networks within cross-border cooperation organizations (Euroregions). Relying on social capital theory, a combination of social network and qualitative analytical tools are applied on data from two Scandinavian and two East Central European cases. The analysis reveals that, even in favourable circumstances, contact networks are thin and Euroregions fail to develop into truly integrated political spaces. The analysis also shows that contact patterns on one side of the border, determined primarily by inter-municipal cooperation, will matter for how contact networks are formed across the border. The findings are important, as membership in a Euroregion is expected to foster cross-border political relationships that could have possible spillover effects in terms of encouraging policy cooperation outside the framework of the Euroregion, which in turn would enhance the likelihood of well-functioning cross-border governance spaces.     

多元社会治理中政府主导作用探析

在多元复合治理体系的建设中,既需要以社会组织为代表的社会力量发挥主体作用,更需要政府发挥主导作用。政府在社会治理中的主导作用,不仅是对传统社会管理方式的自我扬弃,而且是对新的社会治理方式的积极创新,但目前对这个问题的研究还很不够。为此,就迫切需要正确认识和把握政府在多元社会治理中主导作用的科学性内涵、理论合理性和现实必要性等。对政府在多元社会治理中主导作用的探索与研究,对创新社会治理体系、提高社会治理水平、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化等,均具有重要的参考价值和借鉴意义。     

论政府对现代企业的法制监管——以日本核泄漏案为例

随着全球经济一体化以及区域经济集团化的纵深发展,市场经济已促使各国政府与企业的关系日益密切。这一密切的联系是建立在目标统一以及兼有冲突与合作特征的职能分离基础之上的。日本核泄漏事件引出了突发事件背后隐藏的日本政府与民营企业之间官商勾结、监管失控等重大问题,对目前我国如何正确处理政企关系,明确各监管部门的职责,充分发挥市场自由竞争及政府的调控作用,制定配套的法律来弥补监管漏洞等具有重要的警示作用。     

清末天津卫生防疫制度探析

随着西方医学技术在天津的传播与发展,清末天津地方政府制订了一系列仿效西方国家的卫生防疫行政管理制度,而后又出台了海港防疫制度。这些措施有得有失,因此有必要在对其进行历史考察的基础上展开梳理与评析。