美国自由贸易协定研究——以生物技术内容为视角

在生物技术企业巨头的主导下,近年来美国自由贸易协定竭力维护美生物技术利益集团的利益,在食品、农业、生物多样性的私有化和商品化以及在全球范围内推广转基因生物等方面均表现出比TRIPs协议更加强烈的意图,推行更加强硬的做法,对签约国家和地区的生物安全、农业生产和粮食安全造成威胁.我国应当高度重视自由贸易协定中的生物技术内容,从维护本国生物安全的角度出发商定条款内容,保护国家生物安全和粮食安全.     

美国霸权的文化根源和理论支柱

美国霸权的形成除了依赖其强大的综合国力外,还有其深远的文化根源和历史积淀,即霸道意识、天赋使命、实用主义。美国霸权以新干涉主义、霸权稳定论、民主和平论和新帝国主义论为理论支柱。从本质上讲,这些理论的背后,是美国美国要用一切手段把他们自认为是最好的社会制度和价值观念强制推行到世界的每个角落,要在全球范围内最大限度地维护美国的国家利益。     

Yea or Nay: Do Legislators Benefit by Voting Against Their Party?

This article asks whether legislators are able to reap electoral benefits from opposing their party on one or more high‐profile issues. Using data from a national survey in which citizens are asked their own positions on seven high‐profile issues voted on by the U.S. Senate, as well as how they believe their state's two senators have voted on these issues, I find that senators generally do not benefit from voting against their party. Specifically, when a senator deviates from her party, the vast majority of out‐partisans nonetheless persist in believing that the senator voted with her party anyhow; and while the small minority of out‐partisans who are aware of her deviation are indeed more likely to approve of and vote for such a senator, there are simply too few of these correctly informed citizens for it to make a meaningful difference for the senator's overall support.     

试论原敬对美协调外交思想的原点

原敬强调日本外交之关键在于以本国利权为本 ,对中国友善之时不忘日本国的利益。日本作为后进的资本主义国家 ,其实力更逊于各国 ,远不能和欧洲列强平起平坐 ,日本不仅要审时度势 ,认清中国的国际形势 ,而且更需要协调与欧洲列强在中国的利益关系 ,这样才能确保和扩张日本在中国最大的殖民利益。     

Toxic waste and public procurement: The defense sector as a disproportionate contributor to pollution from public–private partnerships

Public procurement is a large sector of the economy with most procurement going to the defense sector. Procurement by the defense sector includes purchases made through contracts to private businesses that manufacture durable goods. Manufacturing of these goods results in pollution production with toxic wastes being among the most dangerous pollutants for public health. Despite green purchasing policy goals, most transactions in the United States through defense contracts result in disproportionately high-toxic pollution releases by manufacturers. We find that persistent exemptions granted defense agencies from following green purchasing policy result in a landscape where contractor environmental performance is unchanging with defense contractors persistently polluting in high amounts. Further, we find that defense contractors are linked to most toxic releases from procurement meaning that exemptions may be hindering potential advancements from green purchasing policy. Results can inform the design of new guidance about procurement and expand understanding of environmental inequality.     

互动:操纵的传媒与传媒的操纵——浅析新闻传媒与美国政治之间的相互影响

在美国,新闻作为一种特殊的政治力量,在一定程度上改变着政治结构,而政治又在某种程度上影响着新闻的形成.这使得新闻传媒自觉或不自觉地成为一种被操纵的工具;而传媒也反过来影响政治及统治者本身.政治与传媒的互动形成“你中有我、我中有你”的动态平衡,从而使传媒政治化、政治社会化.     

The United States Congress and nuclear war powers: explaining legislative nonfeasance

Scholarly debate over the role of the United States Congress in approving military action has focused on the respective war powers granted the executive and legislature by the United States Constitution. Although a voluminous literature has examined the institutional and partisan politics shaping their exercise, a conspicuous lacuna concerns nuclear war powers. Despite periodic but mostly ineffective reassertions of congressional prerogatives over war, the decision to employ nuclear weapons has been left entirely to presidential discretion since 1945. Explaining this consistent refusal by Congress to rein in the ultimate presidential power and exercise co-responsibility for the most devastating form of war relies less on disputatious constitutional grounds than on three arguments about congressional dysfunctionality, legislative irresponsibility, and the relative costs of collective action by federal lawmakers on perilous national security questions.     

马科斯政府时期美国政府与菲律宾基督教组织关系探讨

马科斯政府时期,由于菲律宾基督教教会活跃的“入世”表现,加之马科斯政权实施军管法引起人权状况恶化,以及政府对基督教人员、财产等权益的侵犯,菲律宾政府与基督教组织的关系经历了从合作到对抗的变化。这一时期,美国政府对待菲律宾基督教组织的态度也发生了变化:从忽视到逐步重视,从观望到接触、援助、施加影响,而菲律宾基督教组织也希望借助美国政府向马科斯政府施压,推动结束军管并恢复正常的政治局面。美国政府力促菲律宾基督教组织恪守“政教分离”和“非暴力手段”的原则,关注并默许基督教组织与反对派势力合作,最终菲律宾在1986年通过“人民力量革命”实现了政权和平过渡。     

美国公开权研究

在美国,公开权是于20世纪中叶从隐私权演变而来的一项财产权利。根据这项权利,一个人(主要是知名人物)可以控制对其形象的商业开发并从中获益。目前公开权无论是在理论上,还是在立法与司法实践上,均充满争议。司法界与学术界尚没有为公开权寻找到一种科学的理论基础,因此公开权仍是一种“尚没有得到证明”的权利。赋予知名人物以公开权,会削弱社会大众根据联邦宪法第一修正案所享有的言论自由,因此应将公开权的适用范围限制在尽可能小的程度。     

弱关系、强关系:墨西哥移民中的网络原则

移民过程一般是通过亲属网络和社会网络来策划安排的,原来居住于同一社区的移民在目的地的扩散与集聚,基本遵循五条有关移民网络及其动力学的相关原则:第一,网络是多区域性的。第二,移民们在移入目的地找到工作的工作地点构成了移民在当地的落脚点。第三,通向新的目的地的途径常常是通过"弱关系的力量"而得到的。第四,紧密网络和松散的、弱关系的或熟人的网络均构成其成员的"社会资本"。第五,移民在工作地点和工作类型的地理扩散与集聚受紧密关系网络成员(特别是近亲属)招工的影响。