The Struggle for Recognition of the Indigenous Voice: Amerindians in Guyanese Politics

Abstract

In Guyana’s racialised geography, Amerindians live in scattered villages in the vast hinterland that covers 90% of the country. Amerindian iconography is appropriated in state-making, even while Amerindians themselves are consigned to a patron–client relationship with the dominant ‘coastlander’ society. In the late 1950s, Amerindians made up only 4% of the national population but voted as a bloc in the national elections of 1957, 1961 and 1964, rallying around Stephen Campbell, the first Amerindian member of the legislature. Their unified position allowed their political leaders to negotiate a commitment to the settlement of Amerindian land claims as a condition of Independence in 1966. After losing its parliamentary majority in 2011, the coastlander-based party in power has been working to disrupt cohesion among Amerindian community leaders. The government uses a variety of funds to reward community leaders who will sign pre-prepared resolutions at the statutory National Toshaos Council meetings, and denies funds to leaders and communities that protest at government neglect and mismanagement of the traditional areas claimed by the indigenous peoples.     

Limitations of the KISS Principle and a Strong Organizational Society: A Rejoinder to Wollebæk and Selle

In their discussion of my article, Dag Wollebæk and Per Selle agree with my central point that changes in the institutional and socio-political context are likely to affect the engagement-values relation over time, and that more theoretical and empirical research is required to better understand the underlying connections. They then highlight a number of weaknesses in my empirical analysis. First, they criticize the operationalization of the isolated–connected distinction I borrow from Paxton, and point to the scope of engagement as a way of ‘keeping it simple’. Second, they express disbelief in the apparent strength of the correlations at the individual level compared to the aggregate level in my analysis, and assert that an ‘organizational society of broad scope’ is primary. In this rejoinder, I briefly discuss both comments.     

Doing Without State and Civil Society as Universals: ‘Dispositifs’ of Care Beyond the Classic Sector Divide

This article poses questions of power to social services provided by voluntary organizations. In particular, it examines the assumption that voluntary and local organizations represent ‘containers’ for a radically different social work rationality, where the marginalized are met in a more equal and attentive fashion, ‘on their own terms’. Thus, the world of volunteering and ‘friendly amateurism’ has been seen as a source of instructive ethics from which government policies should take their lead. While recognizing that this discourse on voluntary rationality has had a number of positive effects, it has almost completely blocked discussions of the forms of power exercised in voluntary services. It is suggested that questions of power, rationality and organized welfare can be fruitfully re-formulated within a Foucauldian register. Applying Foucault's concept of ‘dispositif’ to services for the homeless, the article demonstrates that social work rationality is not linked to the public/private divide but rather to a specific service domain. The article questions the widespread belief that public social services are always permeated by power, whereas those of civil society provide a more power-free domain where ‘genuine human’ meetings may take place.     

Institutions and the Growth of Knowledge: Evidence from International Environmental Regimes

This article argues that institutions not only reflect ideas prevalent at the time of their creation, but also play vital roles in driving the growth and dissemination of knowledge. Because institutions are not actors in their own right, however, it is essential to identify the mechanisms through which they influence the behavior of those who are producers and consumers of knowledge. The central section of the article explores three distinct mechanisms or families of mechanisms that come into play in this context:(1) framing the research agenda, (2) privileging certain types of knowledge claims, and (3) guiding the application of knowledge to specific policy concerns. The article's concluding section examines the policy implications flowing from the proposition that institutions play significant roles in creating knowledge regarding the issues they address. Throughout, observations relating to international environmental or resources regimes provide a source of illustrations.     

论税收优先权与无担保债权的竞合

税收债权与无担保债权竞合时,基于税收债权的公益性质,以及其保障现代国家正常运作的作用,赋予其优先权有着必要.税收债权以优先无担保债权为原则,但不能以"公益"之名义,肆意侵犯无担保债权人,尤其是处于弱势地位的劳动者的利益.将体现保障劳动者利益的,出于人道主义考虑的无担保债权置于税收债权之前受偿是例外.税收优先权的立法规定既适用于破产案件,也可适于非破产情形.     

试述公示催告的几个问题

我国在《票据法》、《民事诉讼法》以及相关金融法中对公示催告作出了规定。但是,与发达国家有关公示催告的法律规定相比,仍然有许多不完善和欠缺之处,且规定太过粗糙,不能适应迅猛发展的银行业务。随着我国经济的不断发展,在加入WTO后,如何建立完善的公示催告制度,与世界接轨是当务之急。本文拟通过对公示催告程序、期间以及除权判决的分析与研究,提出完善公示催告制度的一点浅见。     

共犯自首与立功疑难问题探析

我国刑法对自首有明文规定,但是共犯自首有其特殊性。研究共犯供述自己罪行的范围、共犯自首与揭发或者协助抓捕同案犯构成立功的区别问题,对于解决司法实践中常见的此类疑难问题有着重要现实意义。     

试析破产企业职工工资债权清偿优先的理由及其制度设计

对破产企业银行担保物权与职工工资债权清偿先后顺序,我国赋予破产企业职工工资债权清偿优先权有充足的理由。为了实现银行与职工之间的利益平衡,我国应当在借鉴国外的“部分优先原则”的理论基础上,设计符合国情的工资债权优先权制度。     

家务补偿请求权的法经济学分析

中国法律中规定的家务补偿请求权对于维护家务劳动者的合法权益、肯定家务劳动的价值有积极意义,但这一规定在家务补偿请求权的适用范围、行使时间和家务补偿的计算方法上仍有缺陷.本文旨在对家务补偿请求权进行法经济学分析,并提出完善相关立法的建议.     

现代型诉讼的意义、性质和特点

本文从解决现代工业化社会产生的新型纠纷入手,对传统民事诉讼的构造及理论提出了反思,并从实证立场探索现代型诉讼体系的建立和发展。