性别议题安全化研究

安全是国际关系研究的核心概念。20世纪90年代,哥本哈根学派提出具有建构主义特色的“安全化理论”。女性主义安全研究重视性别与安全的关系,认为安全化理论忽视了性别安全问题。以联合国安理会通过的第1325(2000)号决议为基石的妇女、和平与安全议程既是近二十年来形成的新国际安全规范,也是性别议题安全化的集中体现。1325号决议及其后续决议共同形成了妇女、和平与安全议程,使性别议题进入国际安全日程。对妇女参与、妇女权利和性暴力等性别议题的安全化或去安全化问题,受到多重因素的交叉性影响。在不同行为主体和各种因素的共同作用下,以安理会成员国特别是常任理事国围绕妇女、和平与安全议程进行的互动与辩论,推动了性别议题安全化的发展进程,既体现出“主体间的和由社会建构的”安全化问题的复杂性,也规范了安理会表决机制下安全化的程度和限度。性别议题安全化的发展前景亦具有一定的复杂性和多重可能性。     

Sacred year or broken reed? The Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919

ABSTRACT

The Sex Disqualification (Removal Act 1919) enabled women to enter some professions including law for the first time. Virginia Woolf calls 1919 a ‘sacred year’ because of this Act in her later essay ‘Three Guineas’. However, the historical literature largely considers the act to be a ‘broken reed’, focussing on its failure to equalise the franchise, remove the marriage bar or to enable women to sit in the House of Lords. This article argues that such negative verdicts fail to take into account the political and Parliamentary situation in 1919 and overlooks the genuine achievements of the Act.     

突尼斯妇女法律地位浅析

突尼斯在保障妇女权益方面有丰富的经验。在维护妇女法律地位方面,突尼斯是非洲和阿拉伯国家中取得最大成就的国家之一。主要原因有三:第一是历史原因,突尼斯改革运动为社会解放和知识分子的意识形态变化奠定了良好基础。"凯鲁万婚约"的适用亦有利于国家独立以后执行一夫一妻制;第二是政治原因,妇女解放是突政府最重要的现代化与发展政策之一;第三是社会原因,20世纪80年代以来突尼斯妇女组织对妇女社会地位提高的推动作用。当前突尼斯面临的经济与社会问题可能对妇女现有地位构成一定的挑战。     

Changing housing policy: women escaping domestic violence

Domestic violence has risen up the political agenda, as women's action has inspired changes in police, social work and legal practice. At the same time, one of the oldest pieces of legislation that protected women from violence - the Homeless Persons Act of 1977 - has been transmuted into the Housing Act of 1996. This legislation was introduced by a Conservative government, which was anxious to reduce the rights of homeless people to secure permanent accommodation, on the grounds that these rights gave incentives to pregnancy, lone parenthood and economic migrants. New Labour have softened the Housing Act to give more scope to local authorities to respond to homelessness. This article asks: What are the implications of changing homelessness rights under this legislation and subsequent regulations for women's ability to escape violent relationships and find long term solutions to the housing needs which domestic violence creates? How new is New Labour policy as expressed in housing regulations and its policy Green Paper?     

Working with personality disordered women in secure care: the challenge of gender-based service delivery

Abstract

Working with women in secure services is an infrequent subject of research and discussion in the forensic mental health literature. There are several reasons for this, which will be considered in the introduction to this paper. However, a consequence of this situation is that there remains a lack of clarity in key areas of practice in relation to working with women in secure services, and working with women with personality disorder specifically: how women with personality disorder may present in secure services compared to men, therefore, the particular skills required of the practitioners who work with women and the main design features of the services within which they are managed. The body of this paper attempts to summarise important issues in each of these areas in order to inform future debate and developments in the field.     

论不作为共同正犯

不作为共同正犯成立与否在学术界并未达成共识,存在着肯定说与否定说之争。否定论者从目的行为论角度出发,否定不作为共同正犯的成立。本文从复数不作为行为的整体性与部分实行全部责任理论来论证不作为共同正犯的成立,并探讨了其具体类型。     

Official incidents of inmate-on-inmate misconduct at a women’s prison: using importation and deprivation theories to compare perpetrators to victims

Importation and deprivation theories have long been used to explain prison misconduct and victimization among male inmates. However, the key variables from these theories have rarely been tested on female inmates. In addition, many of these existing studies use combined samples of males and females, while ignoring female-only samples of prisoners. Using data from official misconduct reports collected from 2007 to 2012 from a large women’s prison in Ohio, the current study sought to compare the characteristics of perpetrators of inmate-on-inmate misconduct to their victims. Findings reveal that variables from both importation (age, race, and current violent offender status) and deprivation (mental health status and prior violent disciplinary reports) theories were significant in predicting perpetrator vs. victim likelihood. Policy implications and suggestions for future research are discussed.     

Holistic Representation: A Randomized Pilot Study of Wraparound Services for First‐Time Juvenile Offenders to Improve Functioning,Decrease Motions for Review,and Lower Recidivism

Mental health diagnoses, substance abuse issues, and school problems are often cited as contributors to adolescents’ involvement with the juvenile justice system. Yet, few youth receive assessment, evaluation, or intervention prior to their involvement with the juvenile courts. This pilot study evaluated whether providing a randomized trial of wraparound forensic social work services in addition to court‐appointed legal services would improve functioning, decrease motions for review, and lower recidivism for first‐time juvenile offenders. Findings indicate statistically significant improvement for youth receiving wraparound services on six out of eight measures. A case study example is provided and implications for service provision are explored.     

Norms and rage: Gender and social media in the 2018 U.S. mid-term elections

Previous research shows women candidates face double-standard with regard to fitness for office: women ought to be kind but leaders ought to be aggressive and agentic. At the same time, there is traditional division of what constitutes “women’s” issues (e.g. health-care) vs “male” (e.g. economy). Do these norms about what women politicians ought to be and talk about hurt or help them during elections? We investigate the case of U.S. 2018 mid-term elections on Twitter. Our findings suggest that engaging with “women’s” issues by female candidates as well as tweeting angrily is associated with higher likelihood of being elected. However, women candidates who use angry speech on Twitter, are more likely to also receive tweets with abusive language, in particular by other women. Thus, we show that social media could help female candidates to break stereotypes, and present themselves as nuanced candidates who can both stand for women’s issues but also be aggressive and leader-like.     

城市职业女性的社会网络

基于对2003年全国综合社会调查(GSS)社会网络的资料研究分析,城市职业女性的社会网络是一个高密度的核心网络,其中,以家庭成员为主的亲缘关系在城市职业女性的社会网络中占据着最重要的位置.在控制了其他结构变量之后,性别在网络规模、网络关系组成、网络异质性、网络亲近性方面的影响仍然存在.这种社会网络模式,说明职业女性虽然身兼工作角色与家庭角色为一身,但长期以来在中国传统社会里形成的"男主外女主内"的刻板式家庭分工模式促使职业女性的生活重心仍然比男性更兼顾家庭.此外,职业阶层地位、年龄、政治面貌、婚姻状况、家庭经济水平、居住地等社会结构变量对职业女性的社会网络模式也有着影响力.