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21.
2018年进行的党和国家机构改革对我国现行预算制度提出了新的挑战,现行预算制度无法适应机构改革的新情况。党政合并后的新机构属于党的机构体系,不再属于政府机构体系,而现行预算制度的约束主体是政府,无法约束合并后的新机构。由于预算完整性和新机构职能的公共性等原因,新机构应当受到国家法律组成的预算制度的约束,预算制度需要配合机构改革进行调整,党内法规不应成为新机构预算行为的规范来源。机构改革强调党的领导是上层领导,并不影响人大预算职权的具体执行,虽然新机构属于党的机构,但由于其参与行政活动,行使国家权力,使用国家财政经费,故仍需接受人大的预算审查监督。  相似文献   
22.
《Labor History》2012,53(5):541-565
Abstract

The Comintern’s Third Period, 1928–1934, based on Stalin’s ‘second revolution’ in Russia, capitalist crisis and the claim that social democracy and fascism were twins, generated sectarian, ultra-left politics which proved inimical to Communist activity in trade unions. This article sheds new light on that issue by exploring three connected episodes: the British party’s (CPGB) renewed turn to the unions, heralded in the January resolution of 1932; the roles the Comintern and CPGB leader Harry Pollitt played in this initiative; and the subsequent attempt by Pollitt to revise the politics of union work. This triptych reviews both primary sources and recent historiography. It argues that some accounts have overestimated the novelty of the January resolution, blurred its meaning and exaggerated Pollitt’s part in it. The resolution did not attempt to change the line but its application. Its impact was limited. Bids to go beyond it were muddled and unsuccessful. The 1933 move towards the united front, and subsequently the popular front, was of greater significance in creating an effective Communist presence in trade unions than the events of 1931–1932.  相似文献   
23.
在大众创业、万众创新的时代,共青团院校应该通过发挥团青引领优势、创新优势、桥梁优势、覆盖优势等,大力发展创业教育。通过培养大学生、青年、团员的创新创业能力,为社会经济繁荣和社会治理发展做出贡献。当然,共青团院校创业教育要更好地发挥其独特作用,还应该在争取党和政府制定激励共青团院校创业教育的政策、探索"全员创业教育"的新型机制、师生树立多元化创业教育的新观念、将创新创业贯穿人才培养的全过程、与青年企业及机构建立"无缝对接"以及加大创业教育的国际交流与合作等方面做出努力。  相似文献   
24.
‘Meritocracy’ continues to unfold as both core conceptual framework and political ideal of the language of social mobility. In recent decades, politicians of various hues have declared it a sine qua non of the so-called ‘classless society’. The longer trajectory of postwar discourses of equality reveal a more chequered conceptual past. Its origins in the forums of revisionist social democracy of the 1950s, and subsequently popularised in the writings of social democratic polymath, Michael Young, are much more circumspect. The article considers pivotal contributions and developments of this conceptual history and trajectory. It considers the origins and emergence of meritocracy as a dimension of discourses of equality in the 1950s, and the formative contribution of Michael Young, reaction and responses on the left to his 1958 seminal work, The Rise of the Meritocracy, and the subsequent ‘meritocratic turn’. In spite of its satirical origins and warnings of dire social consequences, meritocracy presently enjoys a confirmatory position as a concept of opportunity and social mobility, as an embedded ideal of social organisation and means of allocating differential rewards.  相似文献   
25.
Serpil Atamaz 《中东研究》2019,55(4):557-569
This article contributes to the growing scholarship on the connections between the Ottoman and Iranian revolutions by exploring Ottomans’ reactions to and portrayal of the constitutional struggle in Iran. Based on an examination of primary sources that have not been utilized before, it reveals how an ideologically diverse group of intellectuals tried to link the two revolutions together in the Ottoman-Turkish press, focusing on shared problems and ideals. It demonstrates that undergoing a revolutionary process themselves, these intellectuals interpreted the events in Iran through the prism of their own experiences and used them to garner support for the constitutional regime at home. Through their depictions of the Iranian revolution, they not only portrayed the 1908 Revolution as part of a broader struggle against despotism and imperialism with significant implications for the Islamic world, but also conveyed the message that the Ottoman constitution needed to be supported and protected so that it did not fail like the one in Iran.  相似文献   
26.
Sixty years after its publication, Michael Young’s The Rise of the Meritocracy remains one of the most important texts for understanding the changing intellectual politics of postwar Britain. Young’s fictional vision of a meritocratic society explores the consequences of a society where each citizen is judged according to the formula ‘I.Q. + Effort = Merit’. The successful meritocrats hoard ever-greater rewards for themselves, crystallising into a rigid and repressive elite who rule over an increasingly powerless and depressed underclass. While the concept has evolved and adapted, the language of meritocracy is one of the great survivors of postwar British politics. In an age characterised by the rise of populist leaders and movements, as well as a backlash against educated ‘liberal elites’, revisiting, reinterpreting and re-evaluating Young’s influential satire and the central place the concept of meritocracy occupies in the history of postwar Britain has never been more important.  相似文献   
27.
实事求是是中国共产党在近百年革命、建设与改革实践中一以贯之的根本思想路线和工作方法。在中国共产党人的视野中,“实事求是”是一种态度精神、一种认识规律、一种实践路线。共产党人坚持实事求是,是因为“实事求是就是最大的党性”,因为“共产党员应是实事求是的模范”,因为我们“要靠实事求是吃饭”。在主题教育活动中重温“实事求是”,必须不断凝聚坚持实事求是的不竭动力,准确把握坚持实事求是的方法要求,努力涵养坚持实事求是的实践品格。  相似文献   
28.
志愿服务作为青少年公民参与社会活动、履行社会责任的崭新方式,日益成为青少年公民教育的有效途径。本文尝试探讨青少年通过参与志愿服务,从而增强公民意识、提升公民素质、实现公民成长;同时,公民教育的深入开展,又是促进公民参与志愿服务、实观志愿服务兴旺发展的重要基础,两者互相效力,共同发展。  相似文献   
29.
贺昌是中国共产党早期青年运动的卓越活动家,是我党早期的优秀革命家,也是山西团组织的创始人之一.在山西党团组织的创建中,贺昌与我党早期领导人高君宇、王振翼等一起,呕心沥血,艰苦创业,为马克思主义在山西的传播,为山西工人运动的发展,为积聚党在山西的革命力量、推动山西革命事业的发展,做出了不可磨灭的贡献.  相似文献   
30.
云南省是毒品泛滥的重灾区,通过开展实际调研,对云南边疆吸毒青少年的人口学特征、地区分布、经济状况进行分析,反映出吸毒年龄低龄化、民族多样化、受教育程度不足等特点。预防和矫正青少年吸毒,要以青少年正确的人生价值观的确立、道德法律素养的提高等为前提,使他们的精神追求、行为模式转向更高尚的社会目标。  相似文献   
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