The İsmailağa community and its relationship with the AK party

This article aims to demonstrate the importance of the relationship between the Naqshbandi Ismaila?a community and the AK Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi, “Justice and Development Party”) government. As one of the most widespread Sufi brotherhoods in the world, the strength of the Naqshbandiyya lies in its characteristic combination of strict adherence to religious law and active involvement in social and political affairs. The ?smaila?a community, one of five main Naqshbandi communities in Turkey, is highly conservative and traditional, historically dominated by elders who have remained aloof from any power struggles within the Turkish government. While the AK Party has developed ties with religious orders in recent years, including the Ismaila?a, some voices within the Ismaila?a community have become critical of this relationship, leading to a rift within the community. In addition, since 2013, and especially after the attempted coup of July 2016, the AK Party has lost the support of its old ally, the Fethullah Gülen movement. This article examines the relationship between the AK Party and religious movements in Turkey as reflected via its relationship with Ismaila?a, and assesses whether the Fethullah Gülen movement can be replaced as a party ally by the Ismaila?a community.     

Why do Indonesian politicians promote shari’a laws? An analytic framework for Muslim-majority democracies

Taking the discussion in the existing literature on the adoption of shari’a laws in democratising Muslim-majority countries as a starting point, we posit that there are two broad motivations for democratically-elected politicians to adopt shari’a laws and regulations: ideological conviction on the one hand and response to the expressed or perceived preference of constituents on the other hand. The ‘demand side’ can be further divided into the preferences of individual voters, and the interests of groups which act as power brokers, influencing the voting choices of individual citizens. These groups may be economic, religious, or other actors. These motivations are not mutually exclusive; the passage of a given shari’a regulation may fulfil two or all three of them simultaneously. However, we posit that the interaction between the place, timing, and content of shari’a laws passed in a nation as a whole will vary in various predictable ways, according to the dominant motivations. The dominant motivation may also affect the vigour with which the law is implemented.     

Power and property: commercialization,enclosures, and the transformation of agrarian relations in Ethiopia

The transnational agrarian social movement Vía Campesina is campaigning to have the United Nations negotiate and implement a Declaration, and eventually an International Convention, on Peasants' Rights. This article analyzes the origins and demands of the campaign and the place of the claimed rights in international law. Peasant organizations hope to follow in the footsteps of indigenous peoples' movements that participated in the negotiations preceding the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The peasants' rights campaign has succeeded in linking its demands to discussions of the right to food in the United Nations, where concern is growing over the approach of the 2015 target for realizing the Millennium Development Goals, in particular the halving of the numbers of people suffering from hunger. The campaign is likely to face stiff resistance from powerful UN member states, but could achieve substantial advances even if the path to a convention is difficult or never completed.     

日本近世关于伊势外宫地位的论争

江户时代伊势神宫中的内外两宫围绕外宫的性质和地位高低问题发生过激烈的论战。外宫神职主张,外宫的祭神不仅是丰受大神,同时也是国常立尊和天御中主神,这样就赋予了丰受大神以祖先神的性质。外宫神职同时延续了中世的"二宫一光说",即认为两宫关系是阴与阳、水与火的二元关系,天照是二宫之通称。外宫据此谋求提高自身地位,达至与内宫地位对等。内宫方面则逐个反驳以上主张,否定外宫祭神是国常立尊,并彻底反对中国的阴阳思想。外宫在论战中的失败是追求地位对等与封建等级秩序之间的根本矛盾所决定的。     

Towards food sovereignty: interrogating peasant voice in the United Nations Committee on World Food Security

The goal of the direct participation of food producer constituencies – and other citizens – is a key component of food sovereignty, the policy framework first launched by La Vía Campesina and engendering the much wider food sovereignty movement. In this paper, I outline the reasons why the reform of the United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS) can be regarded as historically significant to this goal. Focusing upon the CFS's aspirations for inclusivity, I outline a framework for interrogating the experiences of social movement activists representing food producer constituencies seeking to convert their formal right to participate in the CFS into substantive participation. Going beyond the capturing of their experiences, the framework also reveals the different ways in which their challenges in attaining substantive participation can be overcome, with a particular emphasis upon adjustments within the arena itself. The paper concludes with an overview of the research agenda suggested by Raj Patel (2009), amongst others, and alluded to further in the content of this paper.     

《监狱法》缺陷的另类解读——以罪犯服刑能力为视角

《监狱法》的适用为我国改造罪犯、保障人权提供了法律保障,然而《监狱法》也存有一些立法上的盲点,例如对服刑能力的规定就是如此。服刑能力是罪犯接受刑罚惩罚的能力,对一个具备完整服刑能力的罪犯实施惩罚是符合正义的基本要求的,但是,对于一个服刑能力有缺损的罪犯实施强制性改造则是非人道的、非正义的。我国对服刑能力的研究还处于起步阶段,立法上还有许多空白之处,这就使得服刑能力成为刑罚改造实践中的一个盲点。     

全球和合共生系统理论与中国周边命运共同体

全球和合共生系统理论是共生理论与系统理论相互融合而形成的全新框架体系,可以作为构建人类命运共同体和中国周边命运共同体的理论分析范式和理论依据。全球和合共生系统理论认为,世界上的一切事物都是一个大系统中的共生体,必须从全球的角度来构建命运共同体。国际体系各组成部分之间的关系是辩证的,即对立的统一。全球体系内部与中国周边体系内部的互相依赖既有积极的一面,又有消极的一面。积极的相互依存是指相互依存的双方都从关系中受益,而消极的相互依存是指任何一方对相互依存关系的破坏都可能给另一方甚至双方带来损失。构建中国周边命运共同体是全球共生体系高级阶段的目标。全球和合共生系统理论的相互依存论决定了优化中国周边体系以实现中国周边命运共同体的必要性。以相互尊重为前提,以公平正义为核心,以合作共赢为目标,应成为构建中国周边命运共同体的三个关键要素。我们应以此来推进构建新型国际关系,进而建立中国周边命运共同体。     

相对贫困是外来人口犯罪的一个重要因素

贫困是导致犯罪的重要原因。相对贫困导致外来人口犯罪的客观原因包括经济因素、控制机制因素、地缘因素、就业因素和社会消极因素;主现原因包括心理承受力和心态、受教育程度。外来人口犯罪的特点表现为作案手段简单,随意性和流动性大,以宗亲或同乡关系为纽带结伙作案。作案类型主要是盗窃、抢劫、诈骗和伤害。抑制外来人口犯罪应发展经济,有效地控制贫富差距,防止两级分化;坚持精神文明与物质文明一起抓,保持社会全面、协调地发展;教育农民;完善城市治安防范控制机制。