The Between

Thinking with this special issue's group of feminist thinkers – some artists and others scholars – this introduction makes a strong case for co-authorship and a more collaborative humanities, while also insisting that the couple form – that stalwart object of queer and feminist theory – is neither a known quantity nor an exhausted entity, but rather, a field ripe for analysis. Situated squarely within performance studies, this introduction pivots away from questions of ontology and toward method and performativity, in order to ask: what modes of intellectual practice, erotic exchange, political work, and aesthetic experimentation happen uniquely within couple forms, in their most capacious and non-self-same iterations? What queer and feminist work can they do? What, in other words, is possible in the infinity, if indeed it is an infinity, between one and two?     

Counterpublic and counterprivate: Zoe Leonard,David Wojnarowicz,and the political aesthetics of intimacy

In this paper we explore the space that dyadic intimacy plays within the counterpublic world-building of political activism. We reflect on a particular encounter between the artists and ACT UP activists Zoe Leonard and David Wojnarowicz by offering two readings of what we call the “counterprivate” relation between the two. In the first part of our argument, we contend that the counterprivate couple form (found in our case study of Leonard and Wojnarowicz) occasions a space of provisional leave from the normative affective, aesthetic, and identity-based impulses which tend to emerge in social movement group formation. Despite established critiques of the private, dyadic intimacy of the couple within social movement theory and queer and feminist cultural studies, we highlight the value of counterprivate couples – not in place of the collective world-building that is made possible by political organizing and collective identity, but as a necessary aesthetic complement to collective, participatory politics. In the second part of our argument, we read the intimacy between Leonard and Wojnarowicz as a private moment of expressed doubt that has subsequently been institutionalized into a public discourse through the context of art. Here the counterprivate couple form in turn becomes a counterpublic mode of collective world-making once more. This transformation from counterprivate relation to public discourse occasions a practice of collective subject formation (in the institutional terrain of art) that affirms doubt, curiosity, and poetic beauty as part of the reproductive labor involved in political participation.     

“正犯主犯化”:趋势、原因及启示

主犯与正犯分别处于我国和德日刑法共同犯罪人的核心地位,有必要明确二者的关系。在德日刑法史上,正犯的内涵经历了主观说、形式客观说和实质客观说的演变。随着重要作用说和犯罪事实支配理论成为学界通说,正犯的认定标准倒向了实质客观说。德日刑法中的正犯与我国刑法中主犯的界限日益模糊,呈现出"正犯主犯化"趋势。该趋势的形成与哲学思潮由自然(实证)主义向新康德主义的转变有关;在刑法领域,该思潮的转向主要通过把刑罚的合目的性引入到犯罪论的方法,以化解犯罪论与刑罚论的冲突和消弭"李斯特鸿沟"。"正犯主犯化"趋势对我国共同犯罪的研究具有重要启示:一方面,不能以德日刑法中的正犯、共犯概念代替主犯、从犯的规范用语;另一方面,不能割裂定罪与量刑的关系,引进所谓的"双层区分制"。对于外国刑法理论,应该在明确该理论产生的社会背景和发展动向的基础上,回归到中国的具体现实,结合具体问题分析我国刑法的优劣,再做出坚持还是借鉴的选择。     

格式条款标准化的垄断协议认定

传统的逆向选择模型将低质量格式条款的生成归因于需求端的认知缺陷;共谋模型将低质量维持原因解释为供给端的共谋,为反垄断法介入提供依据。格式条款标准化的横向垄断协议认定应满足《反垄断法》第13条规定的形式要件与效果要件,采用一般举证规则作为分析模式,由原告证明其"协议、决定或协同行为"形式及反竞争效果。形式要件以"形式与反竞争效果的尽可能耦合"为逻辑起点,应基于市场力的持久性与显著性标准加以重构。反竞争效果要件以对竞争的实质限制为标准,参照美国法实践,可通过质量或交易自由限制路径证成。     

逻辑与建构:党在政协系统的基层组织建设研究

党在政协系统的基层组织建设有理念、实践及制度的必然逻辑。党的十九大以来,围绕基层组织建设中央层面不断进行政策倡导,政协系统从全国政协到地方政协相继展开建制实践。政协系统出台党建文本,层级越高,模仿追随的特征越明显;层级越低,主动建构的特征越突出。对政协系统党的基层组织设置的不同形态进行比较,对组织建构中出现的“形态差异”提出理论解释,将“非标准形态”列入党的组织体系,形成规范化的组织设置文本,完善人民政协专门协商机构与党的组织体系相配套的衔接与联系机制。     

Time and technique: the legal lives of the 26-week qualifying period

This paper aims to bring an appreciation of legal form, technicalities, and legislative drafting to growing interdisciplinary literatures on time and governance. Scholarship across politics, geography, science studies and anthropology continues to trace the productive force and specific qualities of diverse temporal horizons. At the same time socio-legal scholars increasingly focus on the work of making and negotiating law, engaging with the dogged, everyday work of legal experts and bureaucrats. Yet little attention has been paid, to date, to the work of legislative drafters. This paper follows the ‘legal lives’ of qualifying periods on family-friendly employment rights. As examples of legal technicalities that work with time, qualifying periods form an important part of the regulatory structure that separates precarious workers from ‘regular’ employees in UK law. Drawing on documentary research and interviews with policy experts, union activists and legislative drafters, this paper focuses on the formal qualities of qualifying periods, arguing that these legal technicalities conjure time and legal form as inextricable. Whenever law becomes relevant to conversations about time and governance, we could usefully pay attention to the idiosyncrasies and controversies occupying legal form and legislative drafting.     

法官合并审理自由裁量权之规制——以诉的客观合并适用为中心

案多人少背景下诉的客观合并可以成为程序扩容方式。目前法官对同一当事人间的数诉在是否合并审理上专断恣意,表现为诉的合法性评价混乱和合并形态的肯认无序。前者应通过合并要件设置树立诉的合法性评价标尺,后者应通过特定合并形态的肯认确定当事人请求能多大程度上拘束法院。在合并要件方面,须通过法规范明确同一原告对同一被告提出数诉、法院对数诉之一具有管辖权、数诉必须适用同一诉讼程序三项合并要件,防止法官在诉的合法性评价上专断;在合并形态肯认方面,应通过颁布指导性案例确立有牵连关系的单纯合并与预备合并,及时回应当事人提起数诉的审理裁判要求。     

行政执法程序抗辩权之内在制度构建探析

行政执法程序抗辩权的内在制度构建是指其作为一个有机系统所应当包含的内在因素,它既是一项系统工程,也是现代行政法治的必然要求。当前,我国行政执法程序抗辩权之内在制度构建的主要路径在于:在范围上,必须明确与拓展行政执法程序抗辩权适用的范围以及规定适用行政执法程序抗辩权的例外情形;在内容上,应当包括辩解权、质证权以及反驳权;在形式上,行政执法程序抗辩权的行使存在直接形式与间接形式、口头形式与书面形式;在效力上,行政主体必须按抗辩笔录作出决定、必须采纳合法或正当的方式抗辩以及对抗辩不能加重处罚。     

论结果加重构成犯概念的提倡

在我国刑法中应当提倡结果加重构成犯的概念,刑法分则中以结果出现为犯罪成立要件的,不一定都是结果犯,而可能是结果加重构成犯。对于滥用职权罪和玩忽职守罪等罪来说,实质上包括双层次的危害结果,属于结果加重构成犯的范畴,其罪过形式类似于结果加重犯的罪过形式。     

Constructing and Conceptualizing “Interdependent Hegemony” in an Era of the Rise of the BRICS and Beyond

The paper aims to provide a framework for understanding the global impact of the rise of the “Second World” (emerging powers, such as BRICS) brought about by globalization and the transformation of international relations and international political economy. The paper takes the point of departure from one of Gramsci’s key conceptual categories and analytical apparatus, e.g. “hegemony,” to explore the extent that the upsurge of the emerging powers has reshaped the terrain and parameters of social, economic and political relations both at the national and global levels, and has exerted pressure on the existing international order in terms of both opportunities and constraints. The paper intends to examine the dialectical nexus between the role of the emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-economic and socio-political force for a new world order. The paper’s analytical approach is to combine neo-Gramscian hegemony theories with critical post-hegemony theories. The conclusion of the paper is to suggest that in an era of globalization and transformational capitalism it is impossible for the emerging powers to establish an alternative independent hegemony; rather, the world will witness a new era of “interdependent hegemony,” in which both the “First World” and the “Second World” are intertwined in a constant process of shaping and reshaping the world order in the nexus of national interest, regional orientation, common economic and political agendas, security alliance and potential confl icts.