国际关系研究的话语权之争 ——兼论中国国际关系研究的学术自觉

二战以后，美国一直掌握着国际关系研究的话语霸权，塑造了国际关系研究的基本范式并从学理层面论证其霸权合法性。冷战结束以后，出于理论发展的需要与国际政治现实的挑战，国际关系研究逐渐呈现出多元化态势，欧洲国际关系研究在研究取向、研究方法、研究议题、理论流派等方面与美国展开了积极的话语权竞争，成就了“欧洲视角”，在一定程度上消解了美国的话语霸权。近年来，随着国际政治格局的调整与地缘政治重心的东移，国际关系研究的亚洲意识也逐渐觉醒，中国国际关系研究的自主性建设已初见成效，学术自觉与学术自信有所提升。但中国国际关系研究在话语权建设上存在诸多不足，应进一步强化学科内涵建设，推动理论创新；寻找西方学术话语体系的突破口，挖掘新的研究支点；拓展话语平台，为外交话语体系提供学术支撑。只有制定正确的话语权战略并付诸实施，才能从根本上提升中国国际关系研究的竞争力。     

研究生学术诚信状况调查及对策分析

研究生学术诚信是指研究生对学术研究的认同和竭尽全力的态度和行为，直接关系到研究生的学风建设和道德建设。文章结合问卷调查和访谈，对研究生学术诚信现状进行分析和总结，对当前研究生学术诚信缺失的成因进行考察和分析，并从主观教育、制度制约、环境净化等三个方面探讨应时研究生学术失信的对策和建议。     

学术：高校分类的重要视角

学术界关于高校的分类如此繁多，以至于许多高校尤其新兴高校在实践中难于对自身准确定位甚至形成错位发展。究其原因，一方面在于已有分类并非基于高校本质进行，另一方面在于分类者所处知识型与新兴知识型之间存有冲突。因此，找寻高校之本质、建构适切于新兴知识型的高校分类体系成为当务之急。学术为高校之本质，基于学术对高校分类具有合理性。以学术为视角，高校可分类为普通型本科院校和应用型本科院校。     

清代州县强盗防范制度研究的问题论域及评价展望

清代州县强盗防范问题不但对当时社会产生深刻的影响,也对现代基层治安制度的构建有所启示.如何通过对历史文本的发掘,再现清代州县强盗防范制度的构建状况,分析影响制度运行效果的各种变量因素,总结清代地方具体政治制度构建和运作过程中成功经验与失败教训,成为政治制度史学界关注的重要课题.文章系统梳理了现阶段该问题的研究现状与不足,展现出学界对清代州县盗案防范制度研究的学术图景.该制度的研究从简单到系统,呈现出“丰富与匮乏并存”的特点.学界的研究还应在深入发掘制度构建的细节、拓展制度影响因素的理论分析视角、占有历史材料范围等方面进一步深入.     

Social media as semiotic technology and social practice: the case of ResearchGate’s design and its potential to transform social practice

ABSTRACT

This article addresses the need for critical approaches to social media by bridging the focus on language and other semiotic resources that characterises discourse studies with the broader perspective on social media as social, cultural, economic and technological constructs that dominates media and cultural studies. Specifically, we propose a model for analysing how social media as semiotic technologies, that is, technologies designed to enable and constrain meaning-making, may transform social practices. By incorporating Van Leeuwen’s [2008. Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Analysis. London: Oxford University Press] framework for the critical analysis of discourse and social practice, the model extends the social semiotic approach developed in recent critical multimodal studies of software such as PowerPoint to social media, which function primarily to provide platforms for and commodify social practices, rather than to offer rich arrays of semiotic resources for creating multimodal texts and artefacts. Using the academic social network site ResearchGate and the practice of research peer review, we illustrate the model’s capacity to account for the ways the design of social media platforms – through the semiotic resources they make available and the ways these are presented – enables and constrains their users’ ability to perform key social practices and has the potential to transform these practices.     

“Academics for Peace” in Turkey: a case of criminalising dissent and critical thought via counterterrorism policy

ABSTRACT

On 11 January 2016, 1128 academics in Turkey and abroad signed a petition calling on Turkish authorities to cease state violence in mainly Kurdish populated areas of the country, which had been under curfew and an extended state of emergency. The petition received an immediate reaction from President Recep Tayyip Erdo?an, who accused the signatories of treason and terrorist propaganda. He subsequently demanded that public prosecuters launch an investigation. Criminalisation of the petition has been exacerbated by disciplinary action by universities against many of the signatories. Many have suffered insults, arrest, detention or suspension as a result of the ensuing smear campaign. This massive crackdown on academic freedom has been masked by discourses of counterterrorism, which have also been deployed to criminalise dissent more generally in Turkey as a part of a process of rapid “democratic retrenchment” since 2013. This article is an attempt to put the criminalisation of academics within the larger framework of human rights violations, increasing curtailments of academic freedom and rising authoritarianism in Turkey. It argues that the prosecution of the signatories of the petition is an extension of an established tradition of targeting academic freedom in times of political crisis in Turkey but is also a product of growing authoritarianism under the ruling party and President Erdo?an. It shows that counterterrorism laws can be extended far beyond eliminating security threats by instrumentalising them to suppress dissent in a declining democracy.     

Criminalising Academia: The Protection of State Information Bill and Academic Freedom

This article assesses the implications of the controversial Protection of State Information Bill for academic freedom in South Africa, specifically for communications, media and journalism studies. The Bill requires the security cluster to classify sensitive documents on national security grounds. Academic teaching and research can help citizens to understand whether the security cluster is acting in the universal interest, rather than the interest of a political elite; it can also be used to assess media performance in reporting on national security matters. Using a critical approach to the concept of national security, I argue that the Bill favours secrecy over openness, and South Africa’s embrace of the human security definition of national security has contributed to the problem. This overemphasis on secrecy is likely to reduce the few spaces that exist in academia for critical, emancipatory work on security issues, which could hobble the sector’s attempts to understand the deeper processes at work in the security cluster. If such enquiry is marginalised, then the higher education system risks becoming an instrument for continuity rather than change in South Africa’s existing, highly unequal power relations: relations that are being maintained increasingly by force.     

论学术期刊对学术论文剽窃的防范

学术期刊在防范学术论文剽窃中具有不可替代的作用,但在具体工作实践中会遇到思想观念、法律层面、技术层面及与学术失范行为的区别等方面的问题。学术期刊一般均有自己的一套稿件审核程序与组织．防范的重点在于预防、关键在于审稿环节。     

The Politics of “Entrepreneurial” Economic Development Policy of States in the U.S.

“Entrepreneurial” economic development strategies at the state level in the United States, which focus on nurturing home‐grown, high‐growth businesses, lack immediate payoffs for politically powerful constituencies, a condition that would seem likely to limit their appeal compared to the alternative “locational” strategy of attracting large investments from elsewhere. Nonetheless, many U.S. states have added programs with entrepreneurial attributes to their economic development portfolios in recent years. This paper explores how the political obstacles to such programs have been overcome. In a few cases, an institutional innovation in the policy‐making process drew in new participants who provided ideas for and support to programs with entrepreneurial attributes. More commonly, the preferences of executive branch officials, especially governors, appear to have been critical to the enactment and implementation of such programs. This finding suggests that economic development policy making may be more technocratic than is commonly believed.     

批判的学问——《关于惩罚的哲学——刑罚根据论》前言

学术需要批判。学术批判是一种极其严肃的事业、一种建设性的事业与一种承先启后的事业。