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201.
This study investigates the relationship between direct democracy and political trust. We suggest a solution to the controversy in research centering on positive versus negative effects of direct democracy by analytically differentiating between the availability of direct democratic rights and the actual use of those rights. Theoretically, greater availability of direct democratic rights may enhance political trust by increasing citizens' perception that political authorities can be controlled as well as by incentivizing political authorities to act trustworthily. In contrast, the actual use of the corresponding direct democratic instruments may initiate distrust as it signals to citizens that political authorities do not act in the public's interest. We test both hypotheses for the very first time with sub‐national data of Switzerland. The empirical results seem to support our theoretical arguments. 相似文献
202.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(222):19-50
There is no doubt that democracy in México has fallen short of expectations: it has not increased social and economic equality. Few people deem their participation in politics is now more effective than before, the elected government often fails to meet citizens' demands, and some regions of the country are seemingly under the control of violent drug cartels. These faults certainly fuel the voters' discontent with the democratic regime. The aim of this paper though is to focus on other less apparent sources of the existing intense political dissatisfaction. Mexicans are unsatisfied with their democratic government not only because it has not provided them with the social goods they are realistically or not expecting from democracy. They are also unhappy due to the perceived gap between an idealized notion of democracy and the way the existing democratic institutions actually work, as an odd ahistorical image of democracy has been constructed. The major claim of this work is that the critical standard of democracy assumed by Mexicans is inaccurate. It will be argued that this ideological misconception has had pernicious effects, as it has nurtured unreasonable expectations and has inhibited Mexicans from considering feasible reforms. It will be also examined in particular the role played by the pursuit of equity. 相似文献
203.
Fiona Anciano 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2014,32(1):35-55
South Africa's ruling party is well known as an organisation that supports the ideal of non-racialism. However, the extent to which the African National Congress (ANC) has defined and instrumentalised the concept of non-racialism is contested. This article looks at the history of non-racialism in the party and more recent interpretations by ANC leadership, before examining how non-racialism is understood, 19 years into democracy, by members of the party. Based on interviews with over 45 ANC branch members, the article describes how members, broadly speaking, have deep-seated concerns with non-racialism in the ANC and in society more generally. There is recognition from ANC branch members that race relations have significantly improved since the ANC moved into government; however, they feel not enough change has taken place and that racial tensions are impeding social cohesion and concomitant growth and progress in the country. There is division among members in regards to the efficacy and impact of the party's racially based policies such as affirmative action as well as the manner in which race potentially influences leadership opportunities within the party. Furthermore, the article shows that there is lack of definition and direction on the part of the ANC in regards to the instrumentalisation of non-racialism, and this deficiency has negative consequences for racial cohesion in the party. The article concludes by discussing how investigations into party branches through the lens of non-racialism, highlights more deep-seated concerns about local-level party democracy and a party fractured at the grassroots. 相似文献
204.
Tarek Chamkhi 《Contemporary Politics》2014,20(4):453-468
The Arab Spring revealed the rise of Islamists and a wave of Islamic movements across the region. The Islamist agenda is debatable on issues regarding their commitment to democracy, pluralism and individual freedom. Central to this is understanding their evolving definition of Islamism and how the players view themselves. The article provides a brief background on which to describe and define the modern Islamist. The features of Islamist political parties are described. The article offers a definition of neo-Islamism that reflects its most modern trends, including these key characteristics: non-traditional religiosity, gradualism, Islam modernization, nationalism and pragmatic relations with the West. 相似文献
205.
王晶宇 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2007,22(1):15-18
全球化进程使以主权国家为核心的世界秩序发生变化,以世界主义民主理论为基础的全球治理理论的兴起给传统法治理论提供了新的研究思路。在全球化背景下,从世界主义民主的视角来看待法治理论所面临的问题,就是要重新审视全球化背景下民族国家法治的政治基础问题,这也是中国法理学面临的重要问题。 相似文献
206.
郏红雯 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2007,22(1):54-58
公安交通行政许可是公安交通安全管理的一项重要工作。目前,公安交通行政许可工作中存在许可项目不清、行政越权、滥用职权或不作为现象突出、程序违法、不履行监督检查义务、效率及服务水平低下等诸多问题。因此,公安机关交通管理部门必须切实树立依法许可理念,改进管理方式,提高服务效能,使公安交通行政许可走上法治化轨道。 相似文献
207.
我国中央政府、地方政府和行政部门之间的关系错综复杂,使得府际争议的求解鲜有头绪。行政主体间性的提出基于行政主体范式和主体间性理念,应用于公共行政之府际关系领域。行政主体间性倡导理性、创制规则,尊重多元行政主体的独立性,破除行政级别窠臼以实现多元行政主体间的全方位交流和多元政府间良性互动。 相似文献
208.
刘东汶 《广东行政学院学报》2000,(4)
: 2 0年来 ,我国行政管理体制改革成就巨大 ,已经基本摆脱了旧计划经济管理体制的束缚 ,适应社会主义市场经济需要的新行政管理体制正在形成。主要成就表现在四个方面 :行政管理的民主化迈出重大步伐 ,行政管理的科学化取得很大进步 ,行政管理的法制化法律体系已经初步形成 ,行政管理的现代化正在逐步推行。 相似文献
209.
邝少明 《广东行政学院学报》2000,12(6):50-52,56
行政法属于公务员普法地位的特别规定。公务员在行政法中的地位 ,通过行政法关系体现。公务员在内部和外部行政法律关系中的地位完全不同。在外部行政行为中 ,公务员既不是行政主体 ,也不是行政相对人 ,而是作为国家行政机关代理人。但是公务员在内部行政法律关系中具有主体地位。根据《行政监察法》有关规定 ,公务员的职务行为需接受行政监察。公务员是行政诉讼法律关系的主体之一 ,但与诉讼主体的主体地位有很大差异。 相似文献
210.
文章通过对合同诈骗罪等三种合同违法行为的分析,特别是对合同诈骗罪与合同民事欺诈行为的比较,有助于在合同法理论与实践中更全面准确地把握这三种性质截然不同的违法行为,为依法处理合同民事经济纠纷、制裁合同行政违法行为与打击利用合同进行刑事犯罪活动提供了理论依据。 相似文献