简论澳门特区政府的行政改革

澳门回归 3年多来 ,特区政府在“一国两制”方针和《澳门基本法》的指引下 ,进行了一系列卓有成效的行政改革。这些改革特点鲜明、卓有成效 ,但也存在些许缺憾与不足。在未来的行政改革进程中 ,特区政府除应保持改革原有的特色外 ,需要着力于 :树立“权变的”和“可持续的”行政改革观 ;重组澳门的公共行政精神和公共行政文化 ;打造特区政府独特的国际竞争力 ;建立健全“次区域化”视野下的政府全面合作的制度安排     

印章业的治安管理

当前印章行业存在着各类违法犯罪行为,特别是利用伪造公章进行的违法犯罪活动异常猖獗,且呈现出上升趋势,从某种程度上说小小的“印章”已经成为了许多犯罪的“源头”,给社会公共秩序的稳定带来极大的不利因素。而对印章业的管理存在着一些缺陷,要从立法和落实印章业经营者、公安机关、用章单位的责任和义务及提高印章管理科技含量的角度,采取有针对性的管理对策。     

论行政诉讼目的的唯一性

我国现行行政诉讼法将其立法目的确定为“保证人民法院正确、及时审理行政案件 ,保护公民、法人和其他组织的合法权益 ,维护和监督行政机关依法行使行政职权。”这种立法目的的多元化使得我国行政诉讼制度的进一步健全和完善缺乏一种明确的动机和方向。通过对行政诉讼价值考量及对行政诉讼法的作用、功能和程序设计的研究 ,“保护公民、法人和其他组织的合法权益”应是行政诉讼的唯一目的     

埃斯特拉达：菲律宾特色民主的产物与替罪羊

菲律宾被罢黜总统埃斯特拉达（以下称埃氏）是菲律宾历届当选总统中得票率最高的“民选”总统,曾被菲律宾人评价为继50年代马克赛赛总统之后最受群众欢迎的总统。然而,在执政后仅一年多便遭致来自各派势力的激烈反对,并成为亚洲第一位遭受弹劾的总统,最终在民变、政变、军变的压力下黯然交出了政权。埃氏作为民选总统,政治生涯在任期仅二年半期间发生了如此戏剧性的变化,其中缘由值得深思。本文试图从菲律宾特色民主为出发点,探索埃氏这位民选总统倒台的原因,并对菲律宾特色民主“EDSA第二次人民力量”的后遗问题进行一些初步的探讨。     

The Evolving Structure of the Environmental Justice Movement in the United States: New Models for Democratic Decision-Making

Over the last two decades in the United States, mainstream environmental organizations have reduced, rather than increased, democratic participation by citizens in environmental problem-solving. The environmental justice movement, on the other hand, has served to enlarge the constituency of the environmental movement by incorporating poorer communities and oppressed people of color into environmental decision making process; build community capacity by developing campaigns and projects that address the common links between various social and environmental problems; and facilitate community empowerment by emphasizing grassroots organizing over advocacy. This paper outlines the different components in the environmental justice movement. It is our contention that if researchers and policymakers continue to conceive of the ecological crisis as a collection of unrelated problems, then it is possible that some combination of regulations, incentives, and technical innovations can keep pollution and resource destruction at tolerable levels for more affluent socioeconomic populations. However, poor working class communities and people of color which lack the political–economic resources to defend themselves will continue to suffer the worst abuses. However, if the interdependency of issues is emphasized as advocated by the environmental justice movement, then a transformative environmental politics can be invented.     

Democratic Political Competence: Clearing the Underbrush and a Controversial Proposal

Though the link between democracy and an appropriately trained citizen is obvious, the theoretical and empirical nature of this association is murky despite mountains of scholarship addressing this topic. Part of this problem is that the term democratic competence has been stretched almost to the point of uselessness. This constant adding of desired traits—many of which are ideologically driven—misdirects effort away from such complex problems as the relationship between individual attributes and collective capacities. Moreover, recent research has often been guilty of using data of uncertain relevance to demonstrate a competence that seems largely an analytical artifact. We conclude by offering an approach that stresses old- fashioned traits such as patriotism that seem necessary to the existing, and quite democratic, status quo.     

中国政府行政改革的“两难抉择”及其应对理路

在推进现代化的历史进程中,后发展国家在不同的发展阶段上都会面临国家与社会、政府与市场“两难抉择”所引发的多种公共政策困境。在“第三步”发展战略时期,中国政府行政改革所面临的政策困境及其应对理路主要集中在五个方面,即大政府与小政府、强政府与弱政府、大众政府与精英政府、国际化政府与本土化政府、经济政府与均衡政府。     

关于行政机关依职权立法问题

目前学界对职权立法涵义多有误解,对我国有无职权立法也存在明显的分歧。依笔者所见,职权立法应指法定的行政机关依据其制定行政法规或规章的职权,根据法律和其它上位法的规定精神,对其行政职权范围内的事项,制定执行性行政法规或规章。职权立法不同于授权立法。职权立法在法制建设中不仅是必要的,而且可行     

行政权的法律导控

分析了中国传统德治主义的价值和缺陷,提出了作为行政法理论基础的法律导控论。     

Opinion formation in foreign policy: the Swiss experience

Applying John Zaller's model of opinion formation to survey data covering 15 years (1981–95) of direct democracy in Switzerland, this paper provides a contribution to the debate about opinion formation in foreign policy. On the one hand, the Swiss experience contradicts the widespread view that citizens are poorly informed about and little interested in foreign affairs. On the other hand, direct democracy often translates into governmental defeats in this field. We address these mixed results and show that opinion formation in foreign policy is not a special case, and differs from that in domestic policy only with respect to the circumstances under which it occurs. In particular, we highlight the unusual type and level of conflict within the elite on foreign policy issues, which translates into distinct patterns of attitudes among the public.