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961.
This article analyzed the apparent paradox of disability rights in Sweden. Despite strong welfare state traditions and stated Government ambitions to create generous statutory entitlements for all disabled people using a single, comprehensive Disability Act, psychiatric disabilities were principally excluded from the Disability Act's rights and provisions. The study focused on Sweden's Mental Health Reform and Disability Reform using governance perspectives that traced and analyzed the policy-processes of both reforms. Theoretically guided analytical frameworks were developed to help understand the divergent reform outcomes. The first focused on legislative arguments of regulatory specificity and legal enforcement mechanisms to consider whether the Disability Act was formulated in a manner that was easier to apply to certain disabilities. The second analyzed ideological arguments and the influence of Government political beliefs that signaled specific reform ‘visions’ to implementers and thereby influenced policy implementation. The main findings are that both perspectives matter as the dual influences of legislative and ideological differences tended to exclude mental health service users from the Act's generous disability rights. The overall conclusion was that while legislation was an important regulatory mechanism, the Government's underlying ideological reform vision was also an essential governance instrument that signaled Government intentions to implementing agencies and thus influenced the creation of enduring disability rights.  相似文献   
962.
民法总则系关于民法的基本原理,适用于私法全部,其理论的变迁攸关民法的发展及进步。查阅台湾地区“最高法院”民国九。年度以来的相关裁判,发现了若干具有价值的指标性判决。所谓“指标性判决”,其意义有二:(1)法院提出了具有原则性的重要法律见解;(2)在法学方法论上有启示性。从这些判决,我们可以看见实务上为适应社会发展,实现法的价值理念,持续不断地致力于阐释补充民法的基本原则,丰富了法律的生命。  相似文献   
963.
企业参与高职教育对辽宁省经济发展的贡献功不可没。在合作的过程中,企业和高校可以取长补短,使人力、物力、财力多种资源得到合理的配置,这无论对于高校还是企业都能够提高自身的效率,呈现出一种双赢状态。对制约辽宁省企业参与高职教育发展的原因分析是一项颇有意义的课题。文章首先分析企业缺乏参与高职教育发展积极性的原因,之后分析了高职院校自身存在的问题,最后从政府角度分析了制约企业参与高职教育发展的原因。  相似文献   
964.
我国新《刑事诉讼法》以立法的形式明确了刑事和解的基本程序和要求,为多年来司法实践中广泛开展的刑事和解工作提供了法律依据。刑事和解在贯彻宽严相济的刑事政策、创建和谐社会等方面有着重要的意义,同时其符合刑法民法化,构建多元纠纷解决机制等现代司法改革发展的方向。但实践中刑事和解开展更多是符合“成本收益”计算的经济学规律,我们应当充分认识和解过程中的经济运行原理,从而更有效地运用好刑事和解,使其为社会创造更多“福利”。  相似文献   
965.
通过对949例伤检案例按性别、年龄、年份、月份、致伤物和损伤部位等进行统计分析,对949例活体损伤程度进行综合评定,我们发现,活体损伤中,男性占绝大多数,青壮年居多,七、八月损伤检案率最高,二月和十二月损伤检案率最低。损伤程度以轻伤多见,致伤工具以钝器最多,损伤部位以头颅面部和四肢最多。  相似文献   
966.
作为一门实践性极强的应用学科,侦查学学科体系和科目内容日臻完善,对侦查实践起到了一定的指导作用。然而发展中的侦查学也处于部分理论滞后于侦查实践的状态,甚至一些名词概念也存在似是而非的现象。罗列多组侦查学中最常见又极容易混淆的名词,从概念内涵与特征、适用范围与对象等作以对照比较、区别辨析,以减少在认识理解上的混乱和错误。  相似文献   
967.
拉美国家近年来政局不稳的一个重要原因在于民众的意识形态出现了极化的趋势。本文分析了2012—2019年间“美洲晴雨表”中18个拉美国家的数据,发现自2014年以来,持极端意识形态的民众尤其是持极左观点的民众比重出现了显著上升,这主要是受到经济发展形势和各国执政党意识形态两个因素的交互影响。宏观上,以极左民众比重上升为特征的极化趋势主要是受到整个区域经济持续低迷和右翼政府的紧缩性经济政策影响。微观上,本文通过回归分析发现,民众对国家经济形势的判断与其所在国执政党的意识形态共同影响着其极化方向。在右翼执政的国家,民众对国家经济形势的评价越负面,其持极左观点的概率越高,持极右观点的概率越低;在左翼执政的国家,民众对国家经济形势的评价越负面,其持极左观点的概率越低,持极右观点的概率越高。最后,本文讨论了民众意识形态极化对拉美国家政局稳定的影响。本文发现,拉美极端民众尤其是极左民众参加抗议游行的概率显著高于温和民众。这意味着一国的极端民众比重越高,其发生大规模示威游行的概率越高。  相似文献   
968.
Why is the winner-loser gap in political support wider in some countries and narrower in others? Previous studies have focused on how the input side of political systems (i.e., the institutional structure) affects the winner-loser gap. This study suggests that one should also consider the output side (i.e., the quality of political process and economic performance) and posits that two mechanisms – rational and psychological – can explain how output factors affect the gap. Going beyond previous research, this article also considers whether contextual characteristics explain the variation in the gap not only between countries, but also within them. Applying mixed models to survey data from 30 European countries between 2002 and 2015, the study finds that the differences in support between winners and losers across countries are smaller in consensual systems, as in these contexts the support among losers is higher. However, changes in the institutional structure do not explain the over-time variation in the winner-loser gap. Moreover, increasing quality of process and economic performance do not attenuate the gap across countries and over time, as they affect positively the political support of both winners and losers. The study shows which contextual factors explain the winner-loser gap and points to the conditions that increase losers’ consent, which is a crucial element of democratic legitimacy.  相似文献   
969.
Political cartoons, although generally neglected by academic criticism, are often one of the only forms of socio-political critique permitted during authoritarian rule (Barajas, Rafael. 2000. “The Transformative Power of art: Mexico’s Combat Cartoonists.” NACLA Report on the Americas, 3: 6–41). This paper explores the reasons behind this, reading the genre as a form of Bakhtin’s carnivalesque, a participatory space of oppositional discourse outside the official version with which it has an “ambivalent” relationship (Bakhtin, Mikhael. 1984. Rabelais and His World (Trans Iswolsky H). Bloomington: Indiana University Press) and can be allowed to circulate as a “safety valve” (Holquist, Michael. 1984. “Prologue.” In Rabelais and his World, edited by M. Bakhtin, xiii–xxiii. Bloomington: Indiana University Press) of controlled protest. Drawing on tools of Multimodal Discourse Analysis, Social Semiotics (Kress, Gunther, and Theo Van Leeuwen. 1996. Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design. New York: Routledge) and Semiology (Barthes, Roland. 1968. Elements of Semiology. New York: Hill and Wang) for methodological purposes, this study investigates this hypothesis through the political cartoons of the covers of satirical fortnightly publication Humor Registrado during the final year of Argentina’s last dictatorship, 1982–1983. The magazine’s role in challenging the dictatorship is explored through an analysis of its representations of key social actors and events during Argentina’s difficult period of transition from dictatorship to democracy following defeat in the 1982 Malvinas/Falklands War.  相似文献   
970.
While packaging is a common marketing subject, this illustration paper provides an alternative perspective through the linguistic examination of packaging as discourse, focusing on male grooming, masculinity and metrosexuality. Male grooming is often perceived as trespassing into feminine space and creating ambiguity in gender borders. This study aims to explore how packaging designers negotiate masculinity, in order to persuade men to accept grooming products through social interactions within the packaging of L'Oréal Men Expert. Employing Scollon's mediated discourse analysis and incorporating the Barthesian order of signification, the study analyses how different social actions within the packaging discourse are mediated by multimodal features. The findings reveal five negotiating strategies, i.e. constructing a hegemonic masculine image; negotiating (a masculinised) metrosexuality; empowering men; giving men a logical reason to groom; and a different portrayal of skincare products. The key aim of this paper is to illustrate the differences between marketing and linguistics and propose possible collaboration.  相似文献   
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