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71.
A liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry method using dried oral fluid spots was developed and validated for the simultaneous quantification of cocaine, benzoylecgonine, cocaethylene, amphetamine, and 3,4‐methylenedioxymethamphetamine. The oral fluid was applied to a Whatman 903 grade paper and submitted to a drying time of 2.5 h. The extraction procedure was optimized by chemometric approach using simplex centroid design. Spots were extracted with a mixture of acetonitrile, buffer, and methanol. Calibration curves covered a linear concentration range of 40–500 ng/mL. Validation parameters of linearity, precision, accuracy, selectivity, carryover, matrix effects, and stability were evaluated and showed satisfactory results. Spot homogeneity was also satisfactory, with less than 15% of deviation from nominal concentration. Spot volume did not influence accuracy when less than 100 μL of the sample was applied to the spot. The validation of the proposed method suggests a potential application in different scenarios in toxicology.  相似文献   
72.
浅论社会性别主流化与社会性别预算   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
"社会性别主流化"被联合国确定为促进性别平等的全球战略.实现社会性别主流化的方法和途径是多方面的,其中倍受世界各国重视和运用的就是编制社会性别预算.社会性别预算并不是为妇女制定出的单独预算,其目的也不是仅仅增加针对妇女项目的预算.目前,全世界有六十多个国家开展了社会性别预算工作,在促进性别平等上取得了很大的成绩.中国应借鉴国际上的成功经验,加强政府部门对社会性别预算工作的重视,将性别意识纳入部门预算体系,并作为每年人大会议审议财政预算的内容之一.  相似文献   
73.
方法论的确定和方法的选取及应用对法学研究具有十分重要的意义。世界贸易组织法的本质是国家个体主义的,采用个体主义方法论指导世界贸易组织法学的研究符合世界贸易组织法的本质属性。在抛弃了传统法学的价值分析方法后,成本收益分析方法和国际政治分析方法更能揭示世界贸易组织法的判断标准,另外,比较分析方法和博弈分析方法对于世界贸易组织法学的研究也很有必要。同时在应用上述分析方法进行研究时应注意具体方法的适用条件和应用成效。  相似文献   
74.
犯罪现场的任何痕迹物证,都在一定程度上折射出犯罪嫌疑人一定的心理痕迹。现场勘查中在重视物质痕迹的同时,注意认真分析、研究犯罪嫌疑人的的心理痕迹,对于确定侦查方向、缩小侦查范围具有重大意义。  相似文献   
75.
As drug overdose deaths across the United States continue to rise, there is increasing interest in field testing of illicit substances. This work discusses a paper-based analytical device (idPAD) that can run a library of 12 colorimetric tests at the same time, each detecting different chemical functional groups and materials found in illicit drugs, distractor substances, and cutting agents. The idPAD requires no electricity, costs less than $2 USD, and requires minimal training to operate. The results of the 12 tests form a color barcode which is “read” by comparison to standard images. The accuracy of the idPAD was assessed using samples of heroin, cocaine HCl, crack, and methamphetamine at concentrations of 25%–100% in a lactose matrix, as well as pure lactose. Based on 840 “reads” by three different users, the idPAD showed 95% sensitivity and 100% specificity for detecting these drugs; the most common error was mistaking cocaine HCl for crack or crack for cocaine HCl. In a second step, samples of heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine (n = 30) and distractor substances (pharmaceuticals, cutting agents, and other illicit drugs, n = 64) were tested by two readers, yielding a sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 97%. Targeted substances were detected reliably at 55–180 μg/lane, and the idPAD was found to be stable for at least 3 months when stored at room temperature. The library approach used in the idPAD may provide the accuracy and robustness necessary for a presumptive field drug test.  相似文献   
76.
Abstract

This article addresses an important empirical puzzle: why has the United States, without exception, chosen not to intervene in the six humanitarian catastrophes in post-war Asia, namely in Indonesia, East Pakistan/Bangladesh, Cambodia, East Timor, Sri Lanka and Myanmar? We use an eclectic approach that blends arguments about the international normative structure and geostrategic interests to examine what has made the absence of humanitarian intervention in Asia by the US possible and legitimate. Specifically, we focus on the paradox between calls for humanitarian intervention and the historically and geographically contingent social construction of the norms of humanity, national sovereignty and United Nations-backed multilateralism in conjunction with US and Chinese concerns over their regional geostrategic interests. The normative narratives about race, ‘communists’, ‘terrorists’, international order and inclusive multilateral processes, and the geostrategic interests of the US and China, combine to make non-intervention possible and legitimate.  相似文献   
77.
分析裂解衍生化技术及其在刑事技术中的应用   总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1  
介绍了近年来分析裂解衍生化反应技术,如加氢还原法;基质修饰剂法;同时裂解甲基化法;同时热液分解法.并就该技术的现状、原理、进展及其在刑事技术中的应用进行了综述.  相似文献   
78.
企业战略联盟伙伴选择研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
代莹艳 《学理论》2008,(22):31-32
企业战略联盟对于提高企业抗风险的能力,实现企业绩效稳定持续增长具有非常重要的意义。虽然战略联盟具有很多优势,但却是很难管理的一种组织方式。据资料显示,战略联盟的成功率只有30%,而失败的主要原因是与联盟伙伴的关系问题。如何使战略联盟取得成功,进一步改进战略联盟的稳定性,是所有参加联盟的企业必须考虑的重大问题。  相似文献   
79.
在知识产权领域反垄断问题备受关注而法律规制制度尚处在探索之中的背景下,知识产权许可限制的反竞争审查,是目前世界各国知识产权垄断认定中面临的共同难题。我国2008年生效的《反垄断法》虽然规定知识产权许可中的排除、限制竞争行为"应受"该法规制,但同样未能提供"如何"规制的具体制度规则。以已有反垄断法的制度规则为基础,结合知识产权许可中的特殊问题,构建知识产权许可限制反竞争审查的一般分析框架,是有效解决实践中知识产权许可限制的案件纠纷,并及时推动知识产权许可限制反竞争审查走向合理与科学的重要途径。该框架由相互联系的三个方面组成:一是确立知识产权许可限制反竞争审查的"竞争损害"标准;二是界定知识产权许可限制涉及的产品市场、技术市场和创新市场;三是选择基于"区别对待"的分析工具和基于"利弊权衡"的四步检验法。  相似文献   
80.
The directly elected executive mayor was introduced to England a decade ago. Drawing inspiration from European and American experience, the elected mayor appealed to both New Labour and Conservative commentators in offering a solution to perceived problems of local leadership. There was a shared view that governance of local areas was failing and that elected mayors were the answer. The first local referendums were held in 2001. Most have continued to reject the idea of the elected mayor. During 2012, the coalition government initiated 10 further mayoral referendums in England’s largest cities but only one, Bristol, opted for an elected mayor. Overall, there is no evidence of widespread public support, yet the prospect of more mayors – with enhanced powers – remains firmly on the policy agenda.

Drawing from a decade of research, this paper considers reasons for the persistence of the mayoral experiment, the importance of local factors in the few areas where mayors hold office and the link to current policy debates. Using the authors’ analytical leadership grid, this paper links the governmental, governance and allegiance roles of mayors to the problematic nature of local leadership. It then draws tentative conclusions about the strange case of the elected mayor in England.  相似文献   
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